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THE LIBRARY

THE UNIVERSITY

OF CALIFORNIA

LOS ANGELES

THE CHUECH IN MADKAS

THE VEN. THOMAS ROBINSON. ARCHDEACON OF MADRAS, 1828-1835.

THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

BEING

THE HISTORY OF THE

ECCLESIASTICAL AND MISSIONARY ACTION

OF THE EAST INDIA COMPANY

IN THE PRESIDENCY OF MADRAS

FROM 1805 TO 1835

BY THE

REV. FRANK PENNY, LL.M.

LATE CHAPLAIN IN H.M. INDIAN SERVICE (MADRAS ESTABLISHMENT)

WITH ILLUSTRATIONS

VOL. II

LONDON
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET, W.

1912

First Edition (Smith, Elder £ Co.) .... October, 1912
Taken over by John Murray ..... Jamcary, 1917

Printed in Great Britain by
Spottiaivoode, Ballantyne rf- Co. Ltd., Printer.s, New-street Sqiuire, Lmulon.

/1 70

TO THE MEMORY OF

THE HONOURABLE EAST INDIA COMPANY

THIS RECOED OF

THEIR ECCLESIASTICAL POLICY AND ACTION

IS MOST RESPECTFULLY

DEDICATED

870136

PREFACE

This volume of ' The Church in Madras ' advances the story
from 1805 to 1835, when the first Bishop of Madras arrived
on the coast.

As was stated in the Preface of Vol. I, the book is not
intended to be an exhaustive ecclesiastical or rehgious history
of the period. Missionary effort is included ; but it is dealt
with principally from the point of view of the Hon. East India
Company, of the local Government of Fort St. George, and of
the servants of the Company in the Carnatic during the period.
Other ecclesiastical matters are recorded and discussed from
the same point of view. But in order that the record should
not be entirely one-sided, a great number of mission reports,
minutes of missionary society committees, and missionary
biographies have been read, and are quoted when necessary
to explain either missionary or Government action.

It seemed necessary to make a fresh inquiry with regard
to what took place in Parliament in 1813. Mr. J. W. Kaye, to
whose literary charm I make my bow, made such an inquiry
in order to produce his ' Christianity in India.' But he did
not do it very thoroughly ; and, in consequence, he never really
understood what the several parties were contending for. It
must be doubted if he read all the pamphlets of the period
on the subject of the so-called ' rehgious clauses ' of the Act
of 1813 ; and it is probable that he had not access to as many
documents as I have had the privilege of consulting. The
result was a misleading of pubhc opinion on the attitude
and the contention of the East India Company with regard to
missionary work in India.

No excuse is required for the defence of the moral character
of the Company's British servants in India during the period

viii PREFACE

dealt with. It is necessary to defend as long as attacks are
made. The latest defence, one of inspiring generosity, was
made by the present Metropolitan of India in 1910. It was
published by the Indian Church Aid Association.

The opinions recorded and expressed in the chapter on the
ownership of the Church buildings and the legal effect of con-
secration on ownership are those which existed during the period
under review. Neither the local Government nor the Court of
Directors showed any inclination to do otherwise than abide
by the law of England on the question. When the question
of ownership was raised it was referred to the law officers of
the Crown, and their decision was esteemed to be final. It
amounts to this, that a consecrated building is trust property,
held in trust for the purposes for which it is consecrated.

In giving a brief historj^ of the building of each Church for
the use of Europeans and Eurasians between 1805 and 1835, I
have ventured, as in the former volume, to bring the outline
of its history up to the present time, so as not to have to refer
to it again in the future. For the pictures of these Churches
I am indebted to amateur photographers in the different
stations ; if I mention especially the Ven. Archdeacon Cox and
the Eev. B. M. Morton, it is because they were able to render
me more aid in this matter than others equally kind.

For copies of the Archdeacon's records and the Bishop
of Calcutta's Act Books between 1814 and 1835, 1 am indebted
to the Ven. H. B. Hyde, formerly Archdeacon of Madras.

I desire to acknowledge with gratitude the courteous help
I have received from the officials connected with the records
at the India Office ; and especially from Mr. W. Foster, the
Superintendent of Eecords, who has been always ready to
place his knowledge and his services at my disposal.

I have throughout referred to letters written by the Court
of Directors to the Government of Madras as Despatches ;
and to those written by the Government of Madras to the
Directors as Letters. Strictly speaking they are all
despatches. It has been merely a matter of convenience to
call them by different names.

F. P.

Aitfjtiit l'>12

CONTENTS

I. The Charter Renewal Contentions, 1793 to 1813 . 1

II. The Charter of 1813 27

III. The Building, Consecration, and Ownership of

Churches ........ 51

IV. Churches Built between 1805 and 1815 ... 68
V. Men and Manners 95

VI. Churches Built BETWEEN 1805 AND 1816 . . .115
VII. The Archdeaconry of Madras under the Bishops

OF Calcutta 131

VIII. The Archdeaconry of Madras under the Bishops

OF Calcutta (continued) . . ■ . .151

IX. Churches Built between 1805 and 1815 . . . 175

X. The Coming of the Missionaries 197

XI. Mission Property and Administration . . . 216

XII. Committee Eule in the Mission Field, 1824 to 1835 . 237

XIII. Churches Built between 1815 and 1825 . . . 247

XIV. Discipline and the Consistorial Court . . . 267
XV. Churches Built between 1825 and 1835 . . . 279

XVI. Eeligious, Social and Educational Progress, 1805 to

1835 297

XVII. Churches Built between 1825 and 1835 . . . 320

XVIII. Some other Ecclesiastical Matters, 1813 to 1835 . 338
XIX. Chaplains in the Honourable East India Company's

Service, Madras Establishment, 1805 to 1835 . 356

XX. The Missionaries . , 387

APPENDICES

Appendix T. Correction of Errors, Vol. I . . . . 400

„ II. The Trichinopoly Vestry 405

„ III. The Tanjore Vestry 411

,, IV. The Bengal Government and the Missionaries,

1807 413

INDEX

417

ILLUSTRATIONS

The Ven. Thomas Eobinson, Archdeacon of Madras
1828-1835

The Fort Church, Bangaxore

St. Mark's, Bangalore

St. Mark's Church, Bangalore, 1912 (heightened and
lengthened) .....

Cantonment Church, Bellary

Holy Trinity Church, Fort, Bellary .

St. G-eorge's Cathedral, Choultry Plain, Madras

St. G-eorge's Cathedral

St. John's Church, Secunderabad

St. Mary's Church, Argot (Ranipett) .

The Ven. Edward Vaughan, Archdeacon of Madras
1819-1828

St. John's, Masulipatam (the dismantled
the Fort)

Church in

St. Mary's Church, Masulipatam

Cantonment Church, Cannanore .

St. John's Church, Trichinopoly

St. Mary Magdalen Church, Poonamallee

Church Mission Chapel, Black Town, Madras

St. John's Church, Tellicherry .

St. Thomas' Church, St. Thomas' Mount .

The Cantonment Church, Pallaveram

Fvonti
To face v.

92
118
128

144

178
182
186
192
196
260
260
266
284
286

Xll

ILLUSTRATIONS

Holy Trinity Church, Auraxgabad .... Tofacep. 288

St. Thomas' Church, Quilo.v (now in the Diocese of

Travancore) ........,, 292

Church Mission Chapel, John Pereiras, Madras . ,, 296

The Rev. R. H". Kerr, Senior Presidency Chaplain . „ 304

St. Stephen's Church, Ootacamund . . . . „ 322

St. Bartholomew's Church, Mysore . . . . „ 328

Christ Church, Kamptee (now in the Diocese of

Nagpore) ,,332

St. Peter's Church, Saugor (now in the Diocese of

Nagpore) „ 334

St. Peter's Church, Saugor „ 336

All Saints' Church, Nagpore (now the Cathedral of

the Nagpore Diocese) .....,, 338

Errata.

Page 5, line 21, for 1794 read 1804.
„ 129, lines 23-25, for They belonged to the period . . . 1759 and 1760.
read They belonged to the period between the occupation of
the fort in 1760 and its gallant defence by Flint in 1780.
,, 132, line 7 from end, /or occufus read oculus.
„ 135, lines 6, 7, omit the eminent physician . . . Cathedral.
„ 185, line 1, for Tippoo Sultan read Hycler Ali.
„ „ ;, 6, for Hyder Ali read Tippoo Sultan.
„ 280, „ 6 from end, o?nit who had just raised the siege.
„ 304, „ 25, for Archbishops read Archbishop.
,,311, „ 2 from end, /or 1851 read 1815.
,, 354, ,, 12, /or practical read practicable.
„ 386, „ 1, /or establishment read department.
„ 402, lines 23, 24, omit Colonel Love, E..E. . . . Fort.
„ 422, add to Index Pettitt, G., 394.

The Church iu M£i4i'ai. Tol. ii

THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

CHAPTEE I

THE CHARTER RENEWAL CONTENTIONS, 1793 TO 1813

The Pam'phleteers, Petitioners, and Deputations

The Charter obligations of the Company, 1698. Altered conditions in the
eighteenth century made new obligations necessary a hundred years later.
The Wilberforce resolutions of 1793. Their omission from the Charter. The
cause of their omission. Mission work up to 1807. The indiscretion of the
Baptist missionaries in Calcutta in that year. The result and the Despatch
of the Directors on the subject. A question of method. Charles Grant's
scheme. Sir John Shore's scheme. Buchanan's scheme in 1805 ; its
two parts. The opposing pamphleteers, Waring, Twining, the Christian
Observer, Waring, Owen, Lord Teignmouth (Sir John Shore) ; missionary
reports, &c. Claudius Buchanan and his sermon. Chatfield and Barrow.
The general effect upon the public. Wilberforce's modified scheme, after
interview with Percival. Lord Liverpool's partial acceptance of it. The
Earl of Buckinghamshire and licences. The Quarterly Review on the
question. Meetings in London and in the country. Resolutions passed
thereat. The action of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge.
Bebb's pamphlet. The meaning and necessity of the licence. The eccle-
siastical points were not really the most important part of the new Charter.

It is proverbially as difficult to see a large historic subject, as
it is to see a large building, if you are too near to it. Time
lessens the difficulty of seeing the large subject in all its various
bearings. Enough time has now elapsed to enable a juster
view to be taken of the charter controversy than has
hitherto been possible.

The Charter of 1698 ^ was renewed periodically during the
eighteenth century. Each time some alteration was made to

' The Church in Madras, vol. i. pp. 122-23.
VOL. II. B

2 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

suit the new conditions of affairs in policy and administration.
As the Company increased, more by accident than design, as
a governing power, it was brought more and more under the
control of the Government of Great Britain. It was inevitable
that it should be so. A private trading company could
not possibly be allowed to employ a powerful army, to
have the power of entering into treaties with Native States,
to exercise the power of hfe and death over miUions of subject
peoples and of making laws for their peaceable governance,
^^ithout some control from the central authority of the King-
dom. The changes that were made in the successive Charters
had reference to these matters. Two subjects only remained
unchanged durmg the century, those of trade and of eccle-
siastical procedure.

The Charter of 1698 obliged the Company to provide
Chaplains and schoolmasters for their factories, and Chaplains
for their larger ships ; and made it obhgatory on the part
of the shore Chaplains to learn the Portuguese language with
a view to ministering to those subordinates and residents in
the different factories who spoke the Portuguese language.
These obhgations remained all through the eighteenth century,
being renewed with the Charter from time to time without
alteration or dispute. But times had changed though the
obhgations had not. After the first quarter of the century
there was no necessity for the Chaplains to learn the PortU"
guese language in order to instruct and minister to the domi-
ciled Eurasians. They of Portuguese descent learned the
language of their rulers ; and they of British descent naturally
used the language of their fathers. The obhgation was therefore,
to all intents and purposes, a dead letter, and was regarded
as such by successive Chaplains. The other obligation to
provide Chaplains and schoolmasters for every factory was still
necessary and possible ; but even if it had been complied with
in the last quarter of the century, the purely military stations
which were not factories would still have been without both
the one and the other.

The alteration in the Charter ecclesiastically required in
1793 was the substitution of a clause obhging the Company to
employ Chaplains and elementary schoolmasters at all their

THE CHARTER RENEWAL CONTENTIONS 3

larger civil and military stations. This would have brought
the old obligations into line with the requirements of the time ;
for at all the larger civil and military stations there were children
of soldiers and other Europeans needing the instruction and
education which it was the covenant duty of the Company to
supply.

During the Parliamentary session of 1793 when the renewal
of the Charter was the subject of discussion, the House of
Commons went into Committee and resolved i on the motion
of William Wilberforce

' that it is the opinion of this Committee that sufficient means
of religious worship and instruction be provided for all persons
of the Protestant communion in the service or under the
protection of the East India Company in Asia, proper ministers
being from time to time sent out from Great Britain for those
purposes ; and that a Chaplain be maintained on board every
ship of 700 tons burthen and upwards in the East India Com-
pany's employ ; and moreover that no such Ministers or
Chaplains shall be sent out, or appointed, until they shall first
have been approved of by the Archbishop of Canterbury or
the Bishop of London for the time being.'

This resolution of the Committee was agreed to by the House.
There was nothing in it to show that the persons intended to
receive the benefit were not the same persons provided for in
the Charter of 1698, namely the Europeans and Eurasians
and their children. Three days afterwards it was further
agreed by the House to add two clauses to the Resolution :
(i) empowering the Court of Directors to send out school-
masters and persons approved by the Archbishop of Canter-
bury or the Bishop of London for the rehgious and moral
improvement of the native inhabitants of the British dominions
in India ; and (ii) requiring the Court of Directors to settle the
destination and provide for the decent maintenance of the
said several persons.

It is doubtful if the House understood the real drift of these
clauses, namely the establishment of Missionary Departments
in the three Presidencies. But the Directors and others

1 Commons' Journal, May 14, 1793, p. 778.

B 2

4 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

conversant \\ith Indian affairs understood, and at once took
alarm. It was one thing for them to assist in a quiet unosten-
tatious way the efforts of the Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge and the Royal Danish Mission ; it was quite
another thing for them to establish departments for the official
prosecution of the work. And the result of their representa-
tion was that all the resolutions were omitted on the third
reading of the Bill.

Their omission was a great disappointment to Wilberforce ;
more especially as when the Bill went up to the House of Lords
the Bishops gave him no help to have the clauses reinserted.
He wanted the National Church to carry on mission work in
British India in a Church way, by means of approved Church
agents, not as it had hitherto been done by the Society for
Promoting Christian Knowledge ; he wanted the work to
be done systematically by men appointed by and under the
orders of the local governments ; and he wanted the work
to be paid for out of the trade profits or other revenues of the
East India Company.

They who opposed him were men who knew something of
the history of India, and remembered that the policy advocated
was the policy pursued by the Portuguese two centuries before
with disastrous results to themselves. They have been sub-
jected by successive writers to the severest criticism as persons
without morals, Oriental and Brahminised in their opinions,
without religion and almost without shame. i But it is impossible
not to see now that they were right in their contention, even
though they may have contended in the wrong way. When
Mr. Dundas paid a well-deserved compliment to Wilberforce
for the ability and restrained power with which he had put
forward his proposals, he added that he had difficulties as to
the wisdom of the course recommended, and that he could not
support it. Neither Mr. Dundas nor the best of the other
opponents were opposed to the prosecution of missionary work
in a missionary way ; all their efforts were directed against
the creation of a Government Missionary Estabhshment. A

' Hough's Ohriatianity in India, 1839, iv. 1-160 ; J. C. Marshman, Lives
of Carey, d-c, 1859, i. 38-40 ; and many subsequent writers who have followed
their lead.

THE CHARTER RENEWAL CONTENTIONS 5

distinguished writer, i whose history of this period has for fifty
years held the field, whose opinions and statements have been
copied by one after another of mission historians, says that
' the door of India was locked against the introduction of
Christian and secular knowledge by the House of Commons in
1793.' It is sufficient to say that at that time the great evan-
gelists Schwartz, Jaenicke, Gericke, Pohle, Kohlhoff, John,
were still alive and delivering their message to the Tamils,
not only without official opposition, but actually with consider-
able official sympathy and help.

It has been necessary to review what took place in 1793 in
order to understand the contention which took place between
1807 and 1813. For fourteen years after the renewal of the
Charter in 1793 missionary affairs in India remained in much
the same condition as they had been before that date. In the
south the Danes employed by the Royal Danish Mission of
Copenhagen continued their work in the Company's territories ;
the Germans employed by the Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge did the same ; Roman Catholic missionaries had
the same liberty of action ; and the London Missionary Society
sent two men to Madras in 1794— George Cran, a Presbyterian,
and Augustus des Granges, a French Protestant— who worked
at Vizagapatam with financial assistance from the Government
and from the local officials till 1809 and 1810 respectively,
when they died. In the north the Baptist missionaries worked
from their centre at Serampore not only with the tacit approval
of the authorities, but with the active co-operation of Buchanan
and Brown, two of the Company's Chaplains, and with the
distinguished support of Sir John Shore - and the Marquis of
Wellesley.3 All seemed to be going on well, when, in 1807, an
indiscretion on the part of one of the Serampore missionaries
brought them into conflict \vith the Bengal authorities.* With
a httle tact Buchanan might easily have set matters right.
The Bengal Government had favoured the missionaries so long
that the missionaries must have known that the Government
had no objection to their work, as long as their methods were

' J. C. Marshman.

- Afterwards Lord Teignmouth, Governor-General 1793-98.

^ Governor-General 1798-1805. ■* Appendix IV.

6 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

not calculated to arouse ill feelings and to produce breaches of
the peace. ^Yhat the missionaries appear to have done was to
preach and distribute tracts in the Calcutta bazaars on the
want of wisdom, the foolishness, of the sacred books of the
Hindus, and to belittle the character of Mahomed the
prophet of Islam. No action so provoking could be permitted
by the Government. Buchanan's zeal outran his discretion.
He might easily have influenced the missionaries to adopt
other methods. Instead of doing this he sided with them against
the Government, and encouraged them to continue their un-
wisdom. The principal results of continued opposition to the
orders of Government were (1) a withdrawal of patronage from
the scheme i of translating the Holy Scriptures, (2) withdrawal
of permission to publish any more tracts or books for the
purpose of converting the natives, (3) a prohibition of bazaar
preaching. These distinct acts of opposition to the work of
the Serampore missionaries were brought about by the action
of the missionaries themselves, and by want of judgment on
the part of Claudius Buchanan. On November 2, 1807, the
Bengal Government reported " what they had done to the
Directors. At the same time Buchanan memorialised ^ the
Governor-General, Lord Minto, on the subject. On Decem-
ber 7, 1907, the Bengal Government forwarded this memorial
to the Directors with their remarks.

The Directors replied in 1808 ^- in a manner which should
be more generally known than it is ; they acknowledged the
receipt of the letters of November and December 1807, on the
subject of the publications which issued from the Serampore
missionary press, and of the proceedings adopted in conse-
quence. They lamented that circumstances should have
occurred to call for interference in the matter of the intro-
duction of Christianity into India. And they continued :

• We are anxious that it should be distinctly miderstood tliat
we are very far from being averse to the introduction of Chris-

' Pearson's Life of BucJmnan, i. 384.

- Parliamentary Papers relating to East Indian Affairs, 1813.
•• 'Bxichana.n'H Apology for Promoting Christianity in India (see Appendix IV).
■• Despatch to Bengal. September 7, 1808, Public. The letters and despatches
are printed in Buchanan's Apology^ Appendix I.

THE CHARTER RENEWAL CONTENTIONS 7

tianity into India . . . but we have a fixed and settled opinion
that nothing could be more unwise or impolitic, — more likely
to frustrate the hopes of those who aim at this object, than
any imprudent or injudicious attempt to introduce it by ^'^
means which should irritate and alarm the religious prejudices
of the Natives.'

The Directors then affirmed as a principle the desirability of
imparting the knowledge of Christianity to the natives ; they
said that they had no objection to the circulation of the Scrip-
tures ; they recommended the Government of Bengal to try
the effect of a private communication with the missionaries
if they were acting in the wrong way, instead of issuing pro-
hibitions ; but under the circumstances they approved of the
prohibition of public preaching, except in proper places of
worship. They continued :

' You are, of course, aware that many of the meritorious
individuals who have devoted themselves to these labours are
not British subjects, or living under our authority ; and that
none of the missionaries have proceeded to Bengal with our
licence. We rely on your discretion that you will abstain
from all unnecessary or ostentatious interference with their
proceedings.'

The principles of the Directors are quite plain from this
despatch.! The kindliness of the Government of Bengal
towards the missionaries ^ and their work up to 1807 is equally
plain from their actions. Both the Directors and the Bengal
Government sympathised with the missionary intentions ;
but they objected to some of the methods, which in their
judgment ' exposed to hazard the pubhc safety without pro-
moting the intended object.'

In 1793 Wilberforce and his party were at issue with the
Directors on the question of method. In 1807 the Serampore
missionaries were at issue with the Bengal Government on the
same question. The great principle of the duty of promoting ^
Christian knowledge was common to all parties. They differed ^^

1 See also Despatch to Fort St. George, May 29, 1807, Political.
- Carey was made Professor of Oriental Languages in the Government
College with a salary of Rs.800 a month.

8 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

as to how the duty could best be done. When the news reached
India m 1794 of the failure of Wilberforce and his party to
get the establishment and payment clauses inserted in the
1793 Act of Parhament, Sir John Shore ^ was Governor-General
of Bengal. He was a personal friend of Charles Grant, who,
like himself, was an old mcml^er of the Bengal Civil Service.
Charles Grant went home in 1790, and was the right hand of
Wilbeiiorce during the year of charter contention in 1793.
Before he left India he had devised a scheme,^ with the assist-
ance of David Brown, Presidency Chaplain, for the estabHsh-
ment of a Government Missionary Establishment. The pro-
posals of Wilberforce in 1793, if they had been accepted by
Parhament and inserted in the Charter, would have enabled
Grant to carry out his original scheme. Sir John Shore doubt-
less saw the hand of his old friend in the proposals ; and as he
did not agree with them he wrote to him, and said ^ that ' if
the attempt [to disseminate Christian principles amongst the
natives of Lidia] were made with the declared support and
authority of Government, it would excite alarm by means of
misrepresentation.' His own plan was different ; he was not
averse to obtaining some assistance from the Government,
but he was opposed to the attempt to proselytise by means
of an official establishment. His plan was, as expressed in
the same letter, that ' the Company should erect chapels for
Christians, and appoint Chaplains on salaries not exceeding
Rs.l50 a month ' to minister to any Christian natives who
chose of their own accord to attend them. ' The natural
children of soldiers,' he added, ' will be the first to receive
instruction.'

Sir John Shore went home on the expiration of his term of
office in 1798, and took his opinions with him. He was created
a peer,* and advanced to a seat on the Board of Control.
Charles Grant became a Director of the East India Company ;
and in course of time occupied the position of Chairman and
Deputy Chairman of the Board of Directors. He still shared

' Afterwards Lord Teignraouth.

2 Charles Grant, by Henry Morris, S.P.C.K. 1898, pp. 30-31.

•' Memoir of the Life of Lord Teignmouth, i. 291.

* Lord Teignmouth.

THE CHARTER RENEWAL CONTENTIONS 9

the views of Wilberforce ; but there can be no doubt that his
views were modified by those of Lord Teignmouth.

When these two distinguished Bengal civihans went home,
they left behind them two Chaplains, David Brown and Claudius
Buchanan, who had taken part with them in the administra-
tion of local missionary matters. Both were keenly interested
in the question. Brown practically and Buchanan theoretically.
Brown ministered for many years at the old Society for Pro-
moting Christian Knowledge Mission Church and superintended
the affairs of the mission. Buchanan studied missionary
problems, and devised plans of missionary enterprise. The
question was allowed to rest, more or less, until 1805, when
Buchanan pubhshed, ^vith a dedication to the Archbishop of
Canterbury, his 'Memoir of the Expediency of an Ecclesias-
tical Estabhshment in Lidia.' He entered into no detail, but
with considerable abihty he advanced various arguments in
favour of the old Grant-Wilberforce scheme. In Part I of
his Memoir he pleaded for an establishment of European
clergy, such as would be adequate and useful to the large
number of British subjects, including soldiers, then in India.
In Part II he pleaded for an establishment of missionaries and
schoolmasters for the civilisation and moral improvement of
the natives of India living under the protection of the British
flag. Both estabhshments were to be organised, controlled
and financed by the Hon. East India Company. In the same
year were preached sermons before the University of Oxford
by the Rev. Dr. Barrow, and before the University of Cam-
bridge by the Rev. P. Wrangham,i which not only attracted
University attention, but, being published, helped to draw
attention to a subject which was beginning to cry out for
treatment.

Buchanan's Memoir and the sermons, together with the
reports of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge and
of the British and Foreign Bible Society pubhshed at the
begmning of the year 1807, showed that a fresh effort was
about to be made to insert the rejected clauses of 1793 in the
East India Company's Charter when application for its renewal

' Vol. 385, Tracts, India Office Library.

10 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

should be made in 1813. The rejection by Parliament of an
official missionary establishment had not caused Buchanan
and Wilberforce and their supporters to doubt the wisdom
of their plan. Their persistency raised up a new set of oppo-
nents, who called in question not only the expediency of having
an official missionary establishment in India, but the expedi-
ency of having any English missionaries in the country at all.
Major J. S. Waring pubHshcd his first pamphlet in 1807.^
Within a short time of its pubHcation the news of the Vellore
mutiny reached England ; this news increased his fear of the
danger of interfering with the religious beliefs of the natives of
India. He therefore published a new edition of the tract,
and added seventy-six pages of preface to accentuate his argu-
ments by means of what had taken place at Vellore. As a
matter of fact the Vellore mutiny was due to political and
social ^ causes. But the suggestion led to much acrimonious
controversy, which lasted through the whole of the year 1808.

Waring's tract was followed by one from the pen of Mr.
Thomas Twining,'^ a Director of the Company, who voiced
the opinion of many of his fellow Directors and Proprietors
that there was a real danger in interfering with the religious
opinions of the natives of India in the way suggested by
Buchanan.

Buchanan had founded his argument in favour of a mission-
ary establishment on the degraded nature of some of the
worship and some of the social customs of the Hindus ; he
made the most of their ignorance, their foolish superstitions,
their unreliability, and other characteristics, and he left the
impression that these qualities were common to all Hindus.
This gave occasion to a Bengal officer to vindicate their char-
acter,* and to explain that though it was true of some it was
not true of all, and that Hindus had, as a people, many good
qualities as well.

In view of the hard things which have been said of these

' Observations on the. Present State of the East India Company, 1807, 2nd
ed. 1808.

- Military intci-ference with caste practices.

•* A Letter to the Chairman of the East India Company, 1807.

■• Vindication of the Hindus, part i. 1807 ; part ii. 1808.

THE CHARTER RENEWAL CONTENTIONS U

and other opponents of missionary enterprise in India at the
beginning of the nineteenth century, it is only bare justice to them
to call attention to their point of view. Thomas Twining was
a Bengal civilian, who was shocked at some of the methods of
the Serampore missionaries, and at Buchanan's suggestion
that ' we should use every means of coercing the contemptuous
spirits of our Native subjects,' and of ' chastising the enormity
of their superstitions at the fountain head.' There is hardly
any doubt i that the means Buchanan referred to were educa-
tional, but he did not make this plain ; and the result was
that he created opposition by the seeming intolerance of his
views. It was to Twining's personal interest, as well as his
interest as a member of the East India Company, that there
should be a complete absence of all religious strife in the
Company's settlements. This was the danger he foresaw
in Buchanan's proposals ; and he pleaded that the natives of
India should be let alone in their own religious prejudices and
absurdities ' until it shall please the omnipotent power of
Heaven to lead them into the paths of Light and Truth.' He
was not opposed to the first part of Buchanan's scheme.

The Bengal officer and others who wrote to vindicate the
character of the Hindus were engaged in a generous attempt
to do justice to a race of men from whom they had received —
like many before them and hke many since — the most loyal
and faithful service. Thoughtlessly they have been called
' Brahminised,' whatever that may mean, and there is no
reason to suppose that it was meant to be anything but offen-
sive, but really they spoke the language of justice and gratitude ;
English gentlemen could hardly do less, when they to whom
they were so much indebted were being for a purpose abused.

Major Scott Waring's attitude is more difficult to under-
stand ; he was a prolific writer and was continually changing
his ground. In his first pamphlet he combated the view that
it was the duty of the Church of England to preach the gospel
abroad, he urged that it was limited by law to exercise its
activities in England, and he pleaded that interference with
the religions of other countries was no lousiness of ours. He

' Cursory Remarks on Twining's Letter, India Office Tracts, vol. 96.

12 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

criticised the unwise language of Buchanan, the unwise methods
of the Serarapore Baptists, and the action of the Bengal and
Madras Governments in calling for reports on the history and
nature of the Christian religion on the coast of Malabar. And
he referred to Buchanan's plan as wild, impracticable and
impossible — a suggestion of bigotry. When this tract had been
replied to, he wrote another ^ and took up a fresh attitude, in
which he vigorously denounced the sectarians,^ their revolt
against authority, and their independent methods, and especially
the sectarians of Bengal. He gave long extracts from the
reports <^ of the Baptist Missionaries in order to show the
absurdity of their arrogant attitude towards the natives of
India. He said that he was not hostile to Christian missions,
if carried on by means of foreigners, as in the case of the Society
for Promoting Christian Knowledge, but he was against the
work being done by Englishmen, whether Churchmen or sect-
arians, on the ground that the natives would look upon every
English missionary as the emissary of the British Government.
He urged that the Chaplains should do what they were paid to
do — European work only — that the distribution of vernacular
tracts should be stopped, and that every English missionary
should be recalled. When this tract had been duly replied
to ho wrote another,^' in which he again effected a change of
ground. In this he showed that he had been converted to
some extent by the arguments of some of his opponents, such
as Dr. Barrow, Lord Teignmouth, and the Eev. John Owen.
He said : ' If it be practicable to convert the natives of India to
Christianity, it ought to be made a national concern.' He
agreed with Dr. Barrow and others in authority that the
work should be done; by the National Church, under the
authority and regulations of the Legislature. He said : ' I
concur entirely with the Jacobin Review that the Government
and the Church should do all that in prudence can be done for

' Letter to the Conductors oj the Chririian Observer, 1808.

- Scott Waring uses the Moid sectarian as it Mas used in his day, meaning
one separated irom the Churcli.

•'' Thepc differ considerablj' from J. C. Marshman's history in his Lives of
Carey, tt-c.

'' Remarks on the General Question, 1808.

THE CHARTER RENEWAL CONTENTIONS 13

the propagation of the Gospel in India.' He praised the
Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge for having acted
in co-operation with the Company and kept the rules ; and he
denounced as before the sectarian societies i for acting against
all rules and violating the law of the land. Incidentally he
defended the character of Europeans in India against the ' vulgar
abuse ' bestowed upon them by the ' sectarian bigots ' ; he
cited the testimony of Buchanan himself that ' where the
service of the Church is performed, it is well attended and
seriously listened to ' ; and he mentioned that he had heard on
every side of the ' liigh respect in which the clergy were held.'

There is nothing offensive in any of these arguments.
There is nothing in them to show a combination of infidels
which, to use the language of Buchanan, ' rages against genuine
vital Christianity in India, in order to destroy it in its infancy.'
Scott Waring repudiated the charge of any such combination.
The chief thing they show is their general weakness as argu-
ments against the prosecution of mission work. The plan
before the public was that the Company, which already had
at each Presidency a civil, military, ecclesiastical and medical
estabhshment, should add one more, namely, a missionary
estabhshment, and bear the cost of its maintenance. The
opponents should have made more of the undesirability of
an official establishment. They lost sight of the main principle
they were opposing in the discussion of the details of Hinduism
and of missionary action at Calcutta.

These pamphlets were quickly answered by others,^ most
of which exhibited the same fault as those to which they were
rephes. The Rev. John Owen, formerly a Bengal Chaplain
and afterwards Chaplain-General of His Majesty's Forces,
contented himself with defending the Bible Society, its policy
and its work ; and with criticising Twining's opinions with

' The London and the Baptist Missionary Societies.

- Address to the Chairman, East India Company, by the Rev. J. Owen, on
the letter of Thomas T^vining, 1807 ; Letter to the President, Board of Control,
on the Letter of Thomas Tivining (anonymous), 1807 ; A Few Cursory Remarks on
the same (anonymous), 1807 ; Review of Twining's letter in the Christian
Observer, 1808 ; Vindication of the Hindus, by a Bengal oificer, 1808 ; Consider-
ations on the Practicability, dc. of Communicating the Knowledge of Christianity
to the Natives of India, by a late resident in Bengal, 1808.

14 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

acuteness and vigour. The anonymous writer of the letter
to the President of the Board of Control argued in favour of
mission work being attempted in India, without touching upon
Buchanan's plan or suggesting any other method. He was an
optimist as regards the result of such work ; and pleaded that
missionaries of peaceable disposition and gentle manners, who
were not controversialists, would not be the cause of any
embarrassment to the rulers of British India. The anonymous
author of ' A Few Cursory Remarks ' confined himself to the
task of defending Buchanan, and explaining the meaning of
the coercion he advocated. The article on Twining's letter in
the Christian Observer was a vigorous defence of missionary
work in any heathen country, and especially of the work of the
Serampore missionaries in Calcutta. The writer drew atten-
tion to the growth of the desire in England to spread the know-
ledge of Christianity abroad, and urged the wisdom of giving
way to the rising clamour lest they who clamoured should vote
for the abolition of the Company's privileges. This veiled
threat was a tactical blunder. No man nor body of men likes
to be threatened. Lord Teignmouth was the author of the
' Considerations,' though he published anonymously. They
were a reply to Waring and Twining at the same time. It was
by far the most notaljle of all the pamphlets on the subject.
The author retained his old opinion about an official estabhsh-
ment ; and though he said that his anxiety was that the
natives of India should become Christians by persuasion, not
by violence, nor by Government influence, he did not show
with sufficient clearness that he was opposed to Buchanan's
plan. As to the alarm which it was apprehended would be
felt in India, if more missionaries were allowed to go there, he
said :

' It will require something more than opinions and assertions
to convince the puljlic that the natives of a country who have
known missionaries for more than a century,i among whom
the Scriptures have been so long circulated, and where a
Schwartz was revered, should take alarm at proceedings to
which they have been so long famiharised. If these circum-

1 They bad actually known them for more than three centuries.

THE CHARTER RENEWAL CONTENTIONS 15

stances be fairly considered it will by no means appear probable
that any increase of missionaries would alarm the apprehension
of the natives.'

As to Twining's and Scott Waring's suggestions that
missionaries should be excluded from India, he said that the
effect of exclusion would be to annihilate what had been done
during the last hundred years. And he concluded with a
solemn appeal that the religion of God should not be banished
from India and its debased inhabitants ; adding that ' to teach
them higher and better things than they know will be no
invasion of their civil and religious rights.'

The unwisdom of a portion of the article in the Christian
Observer and the vigour of Owen's criticisms were the joint
cause of a number of fresh pamphlets ^ of a militant type.
Lord Teignmouth's weighty words, on the other hand, were
as oil on troubled waters. One more pamphlet " was published,
one which showed a partial conversion to better views ; and
then for a time the controversy ceased.

The discussion of the missionary problem was not confined
to a limited number of essayists. Missionary reports, addresses,
and sermons reached a larger audience than the pamphlets.
These were spoken or written from the missionary point of
view. In them were detailed the actions, the hopes and the
experience of the various ^ English societies at work in India.
The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge always spoke
gratefully of the long series of kindly acts of sympathy and
assistance on the part of the Company, The London Mission,
whose earhest agents had fortunately gone to Madras and had
been impressed by the missionaries already there with the
importance of strict obedience to the rules and regulations of
the Company and its local Government, were able to report also
the kindly reception of their workers, and the liberality of the
Government and of the servants of Government in providing
them with allowances for their maintenance. The Baptist

• Letter to the Rev. J. Owen, by J. S. Waring, Jan. 1808 ; Letter to the
Conductors of the Christian Observer, by Waring, Nov. 1808,

" Remarks on the General Question, by Waring, 1808.

•^ The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, the London and the
Baptist Societies.

16 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Society, though it could record with some pride that its earhest
agents had become Oriental professors and were employed by
the Government of Bengal at high salaries to teach and to
translate, was the only societ_y which at this period had com-
plaints to make against the official treatment of their agents.
It was represented by them, bj^ their agents, and by their
friends that the local Government was hostile to their work,
qua mission work, and to their agents qua missionaries. ^
This representation was quite sufficient to stir up among an
important class of Englishmen a zeal for the liberty of pro-
phesjdng which took no account of methods and mere political
precautions.

Claudius Buchanan arrived in England in August 1808.
The governing bodies of the various mission societies received
his account of the Calcutta occurrences, and were established
in their views of them by his. In the following February he
preached at Bristol a remarkable mission sermon on the text
' We have seen His star in the East,' which was printed by
request and had an immense sale all over the country. The
enthusiasm kindled by his sermon was one of the causes of the
widespread acceptance of his views on this subject, and of his
proposal for an official missionary estabhshment.

On the other hand there were wiser men who counselled
the necessity of submission to authority, and deprecated the
use of any Idnd of official pressure or coercion. The Arch-
bishop of Canterbury wrote in 1809 to Buchanan, and approved
the former part of his scheme for ' maintaining the Christianity
of Christians ' ; ^ and added, ' if it shall please God through
these means to spread the blessings of Christianity, it is a
result devoutly to be wished, but not impatiently pursued.'
The eminent author of the ' Historical View of Hindustan,' ■'
in the chapter relating to Christianity in India, considered
Buchanan's proposals, and condemned any kind of compulsion
or coercion as against reason and justice ; he admitted that it
was the plain duty of the Church to promote the knowledge of

' This wag not really the case ; the Government of Bengal principally
objected to their method of doing the \\ ork.
- Pearson's Life of Buchanan, 1817, ii. 198.
■' By the Rev. Robert Chatfield, pubhshed 1808,

THE CHARTER RENEWAL CONTENTIONS 17

Christianity in India, but by patient independent work, not
by force nor by authority. Dr. Barrow in his University
sermon in 1805 laid down the same great principle.

The general public, however, sided with Buchanan. They
were partly influenced by the belief that the East India Company
were hostile to missionaries in general ; partly by the long-
standing jealousy of the Company, which pervaded the trading
and mercantile classes by reason of the Company's monopoHes
and exclusive privileges ; and partly by the boldness of the
proposals themselves. These were so romantic, they were
urged with so much genuine earnestness, that it was quite
forgotten whether they were politically possible or expedient
from the missionary and Christian point of view.

During the next three years public controversy languished.
Buchanan's scheme was accepted by his party as the one to
be put forward when the proper time came. At the same
time the Court of Directors of the East India Company, under
the influence of Lord Teignmouth and the guidance of Charles
Grant, had made up their minds as to how much of this plan
it was expedient to accept, and how much it was expedient
in the truest interest of the missionary cause to reject. Wilber-
force and Buchanan must have come in contact with these
eminent men and known their views ; but they maintained their
beHef in the clauses of 1793, and in the necessity of making
them operative by Act of ParHament.

Early in 1812 Wilberforce waited upon Percival, the Prime
Minister, and put before him the scheme which was near to his
heart. Percival, who, like the Directors of the East India
Company, was favourable to the policy of introducing Chris-
tianity into India, saw difficulties in the scheme presented to
him. Wilberforce consulted with his friends, who were mostly
on the Council of the Church Missionary Society, and they
consulted with Buchanan. It was plain to afl of them that it
was not practicable to press a scheme which the Prime Minister
and the Government could not endorse. Buchanan then drew
up a modified prospectus of what was required, omitting the
clauses which were considered impossible by the Company
and by their servants abroad and at home, namely, those which
would have obhged the Company to create a missionary

18 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

establishmont und to maintain it. This modilied scheme was
submitted by the Church Missionary Society to the ministers
of the Crown, and was then printed and pubhshed.i The Church
^lissionar}' Society was at this period only fourteen years old ;
but as some of the members were persons of considerable social
and religious influence, the Society plaj^ed an important part
in the negotiations. They relied to a large extent upon
Buchanan for information and guidance. He tried to modify
lus scheme in such a way as to make it acceptable to the pubhc
opinion he had so largely helped to create, and at the same
time acceptable to the Directors of the Company. But the
compromise still contained a provision which was not accept-
able to the latter. He was in favour (i) of a State-translated
and a State-distributed Bible, and (ii) of a State-Pastoral
and a State-missionary establishment. x\s to the latter, he
said : ' It is not intended to urge the legislature to adopt any
du'ect means in the way of expensive establishment for prose-
lytising ' the natives. All that is expected at present in
regard to the Natives is that the Governing Power would {sic)
not show itself hostile to the measure of instructing them,
which certainly, with some exceptions, has hitherto been the
case.' He then admitted that the instruction of the natives
of India was not a primary duty, and that England owed her
primary obhgations to her own children. ' Let us first give
religious advantages to our own countrymen ; ' and he thought
that the other would follow in due time.

Buchanan meant the State-missionary establishment to
be for the benefit of native Christians only. He acknowledged
their ignorance, and said that they must remain ignorant
' till the British Parliament shall be graciously pleased to
afford them the advantage of Christian superintendence
and instruction.' For the purpose of benefiting the native
Christian community his proposed estabhshment " included a
certain number of native Chaplains, catechists, and school-
masters ; and three seminaries — one in each Presidency —
where these persons were to be taught and trained for their
work. He went very thoroughly into the detail of his proposal,

' Hough's Christianity in India, iv. 188.

- Colonial Ecclesiastical Establishments, published 1813, pp. 91-200.

THE CHARTER RENEWAL CONTENTIONS 19

and produced u scheme whose excellence it is difficult to deny ;
but it was not one which the Directors could with wisdom
adopt. They ruled over Christians of several kinds, and the
great majority of them were Eoman Catholics ; the scheme
would in no wa}^ have benefited them, nor the Syrians of the
Malabar coast, nor the Armenians, nor even, perhaps, the
Lutherans of the Tranquebar Mission ; for it was the essence of
the scheme that the native agents should be of the Church of
England.

After the sad death of Percival, Lord Liverpool became
Prime Minister. Li July 1812 a deputation consisting of
Wilberforce, Babington, Grant, and others waited upon him
and found him prepared to accede to the more important of
their modified wishes and to go a little beyond them. He
undertook to include in the Government measure :

(i) The establishment of the seminaries.

(ii) The licensing of missionaries by the Board of Control
over the heads of the Directors.

(iii) The consecration of Bishops.

It is evident that Lord Liverpool had not studied the
question in all its bearings, and that he did not realise the
importance of the principle for which Lord Teignmouth and
the Company were contending. But he realised it later on and
withdrew the undertaking he had given.

The Earl of Buckinghamshire was at this time President of
the Board of Control. As Lord Hobart he had been Governor
of Fort St. George and its dependencies ; he knew of the mission-
ary work in that Presidency, of the great respect in which the
missionaries were held, and of the perfect liberty and toleration
they enjoyed ; so that when the Baptist Missionary Society sent
a deputation to him to ask for the legal toleration of mission-
aries in India, he inquired what further toleration they required
than they enjoyed. The same deputation waited upon Lord
Liverpool and Lord Castlereagh, and asked for the abolition
of the Company's power to grant and recall licences to reside
in India in the case of missionaries. Lord Liverpool replied :
' We cannot allow you to send out persons without leave.
When there, they must be, like all other Europeans, subject
to the control of the local Governments.'

c 2

20 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

111 October 1812 the Quarterly Beview took up the
question, and pubHshed an article which had more than a
httle intiuence in its determination. The writer regretted
that so few and feeble endeavours had been made to accomplish
the moral and rehgious improvement of the Hindus. He
suggested the institution of public schools, in which the Enghsh
language should be exclusively used, as a means which would
scarcely fail to mfuse into their minds Enghsh feelings. ^ ' But
the legislature will do well to pause before it complies with
wishes of some well-meaning and pious persons who petition
for the introduction of a clause in the new Act in favour of
missions to the East. The dissemination of the Gospel will
not be accelerated by Act of Parhament missionaries.' In
^March 1813 the JRevieiv published another article on the
same subject. ' With respect to chartered missionaries we
trust that such will be excluded. Let them go as heretofore, or
let them go under those restrictions which it may be necessary
to impose on all ; let them have full scope to preach the gospel,
translate the Scriptures, and establish schools on their own
account and at their own risk.' The writer deprecated any
official connection between them and the Government, and
continued : ' For our own parts we are fully persuaded that there
are only two ways which hold out any hopes of effectual
success in the conversion of the Hindus :

' (i) A Church establishment, served by sensible, zealous and
discreet ministers, " not by such as talk of coercing the proud
and contemptuous spirit of the Natives."

' (ii) The estabhshment of public schools with the English
language.'

These articles were only two of several signs that public
opinion was being led along more reasonable channels than in
previous years. The merchants and tradesmen of the City of
London knew the opinion of the Directors of the East India
Company ; it was the common talk of the city where most of
them lived ; and they recognised the justice of their contention

' Like the Sullivan-Schwartz schools established in 1785. See The Church
in Madrm, vol. i. p. 518. The Rev. C. S. John of the Royal Danish Mission,
Tranquebar, established similar schools in his district twenty years later
in 18U3. See bis letter in vol. 95, Trucls, India OflBce.

THE CHARTER RENEWAL CONTENTIONS 21

that it would be dangerous to their interests to do what Wilber-
torce wanted them to do. The clergy of the country, who were
still looked upon as the proper persons to take the lead in their
several parishes in matters of religion and morals, must have
been influenced by the pamphlet of Lord Teignmouth, the
learned history of Robert Chatfield, or by some similar means.
For when meetings were held in the early part of the year 1813
all over the country, for the purpose of passing resolutions,
and signing petitions to both Houses of Parliament, it was
found that Lord Teignmouth's views prevailed, and that there
was a universal silence on the subject of compelling the
Company to establish and maintain a Government Missionary
Department.

The City of London meeting was one of great importance,
for the citizens led the way in laying down principles of action
which were at once wise, just and prudent, and which they
knew the Companj^ would not oppose. They passed their
resolutions and petitioned in accordance with them as
follows : 1

' That your petitioners are deeply impressed with the moral
degradation of the immense population of the British dominions
in India, and lament that so little has hitherto been done to
remove it, although the Hon. House of Commons was pleased
in the year 1793 to resolve " that it is the peculiar and bounded
duty of the Legislature to promote by all just and prudent
means the interest and happiness of the inhabitants of the
British dominions in India ; and that for these ends such
measures ought to be adopted as may gradually tend to their
advancement in useful knowledge, and to their religious and
moral improvement." That your petitioners most cordially
concur in the just and humane sentiments contained in the
above resolutions.

' Your petitioners therefore implore your Lordships that
such provisions may be inserted in the new Charter to be granted
to the East India Company as shall afford sufficient facilities to
those benevolent persons who shall be desirous of going to
India for the purpose of communicating to its population the
blessings of useful knowledge and moral and spiritual religious
improvement ; and also such provisions as shall prevent the

' MimUes of Evidence, taken before the House of Commons, 1813, p. 45;

22 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

obstruction of their endeavours for promoting their object in
tliat countr3% so long as they shall conduct themselves in a
peaceable and orderly manner.'

The 1703 resolutions meant that the desired measures should
be adopted by the East India Company, The 1813 petition
meant that the Company should allow measures to be adopted
by private persons, in association or othermse, and should
not hinder them as long as they conformed to regulations for
the good government of the whole community.

There was in London at the time a Protestant Society for
the Protection of Religious Liberty, who thought that the
principles they lived to uphold were at stake. They also met
and passed resolutions, and sent them not only to the Houses
of Parliament but to the Directors of the Company as well.i
They esteemed the power possessed and exercised by the
Company to exclude unlicensed and undesirable persons from
their dominions as the greatest impediment to the progress of
Christianity in India, and inconsistent with the religious liberty
they must defend. They contended that this power should
not be renewed to the Company, but that Christians of every
sect should be permitted unlicensed to reside in India for their
missionary purposes.

The question of licensing had nothing to do with that of
religious liberty. The Company at the time ruled over Hindus,
Mahomedans, and Christians of several kinds, including
Roman Catholics, Armenians, Syrians, Lutherans, Baptists,
Congregationalists, English Churchmen, and perhaps others ;
they held the scales of justice between all, and gave to all
the most complete toleration and liberty. The necessity of
licensing those who were not in their service, and only permitting
those who were thus licensed to reside in their settlements
arose from a different cause, which can easily be understood
by anyone who has knowledge of colonial settlements and
adventurous Europeans, and is gifted with imagination. If
it be pleaded that no such precaution was necessary in the
case of missionaries, whether priests or laymen, the reply is

' A^aira of the En-it India Company/, vol. 57, Record Dept. India OflSce,
pp. 275, 312.

THE CHARTER RENEWAL CONTENTIONS 23

that it ought not to have been, but that in the experience of
the Company it was.i

The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge '^ were
' prompted to take part in the pubhc soHcitude regarding the
spiritual welfare of the East,' as they had been so long engaged
in efforts to extend the knowledge of the truth there. Indi-
vidually and collectively they knew better than any other men
or body of men in England what the East India Company and
the Government of Fort St. George had done for the mission
cause in India. They confessed in their series of resolutions
that they were ' sensible of the anxious care the Rulers have
for the ruled in India,' and that they did not ' pretend to have
a greater care.' The intention of their resolutions was to ' add
another motive to the various inducements pressed upon the
authorities ' to establish pastoral superintendence in India,
as the only means of putting upon a proper foundation the
spiritual interests of British subjects. They thanked the
Hon. Company for many aids in their designs, and for the
favour shown to their missionaries and missions, ' the recruit
of which is now almost entirely cut off.' And they expressed
a respectful hope ' that the permanent foundations of the
Christian Church according to its best form be laid in India by
the settlement of Bishops in the Presidencies, by the foundation
of seminaries, by the building of Churches, &c., the want of all
which has been felt and acknowledged for more than a century.'

Nine hundred petitions were presented to the Houses of
Parhament between March and July 1813 from various towns
and parishes all over the country. A great number of these
were expressed in a similar manner to the petition of the
meeting in the City of London. And a great number went
further and asked for a Church establishment as well.

The publication of Buchanan's modified scheme, which

' The \n'iter does not Avish to be misunderstood in this matter. The Chap-
lains and the missionaries in India in the eighteenth century v^eve a highly
respectable body of men, some of them eminent. But some of them disregarded
the Company's rules as to trading, as to lending money on mortgage to native
landowners, and as to prompt submission to all local regulations pending appeal
against them to higher authority. See Parochial Annals of Bengal, by H. B.
Hyde ; The Church in Madras, 1904 ; and Buchanan's Apology, passim.

- Report for 1812, Appendix IV.

24 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

included the establishment and maintenance of three seminaries
for training native mission agents, had the effect of producing
more controversial literature. The most important of the
pamphlets was one i by Mr. John Bebb, who from a long ex-
perience of India knew how unwise it would be for the Govern-
ment to take any part officially in missionary enterprise. He
drew attention to the fact that meetings were being held and
petitions presented in favour of obtaining the co-operation
of the East India Company in the scheme of converting the
natives of India. He begged the Directors to have nothing
to do with the scheme. He reminded them of the proselytising
efforts of the Portuguese in the old days ; their missionary
establishments at Goa ; their loss of native confidence, and
their consequent loss of political power. He evidently had a
great distrust of the whole scheme, for he even deprecated
the consecration of a Bishop for India.

Some of the petitioners and agitators had asked for complete
liberty of action, freedom from all control and interference.
Others had asked for the financial co-operation of the Company.
The very extremity of the demands created the extreme oppo-
nent ; so that many of the pamphleteers dealt with the question
whether Christianity ought to be propagated in India at all,
and not whether it should be done in any particular way.

At the assembhng of the Parliament, in which this great
question was to be decided, there were three contending
parties carrying on a triangular fight. There was the Company,
which for nearly ninety years had shown a very practical
sympathy with the mission work in India, and which had quite
recently affirmed in a despatch to Bengal - the desirability
of imparting the knowledge of Christianity to the natives, but
which was steadily opposed to taking any official part in the
work. There were the zealous friends of missionary endeavour,
good Christian men, who wanted the work done, and saw no
reason why the Company, the Rulers of British India, should
not co-operate and partly pay for it. And there were the friends
of the Company, many of them distinguished old servants,

' Letter from John Jiebb, Esq., to the Co^irt of Directors, vol. 110, Tracts,
iDclia Office.

- Despatch, Sept. 7, 1808, Public (see Appendix IV).

THE CHARTER RENEWAL CONTENTIONS 25

who had some right also to the title of friends of India, who
sided with the Company in their opposition to the proposed
missionary estabhshment, but who used some arguments in
their contention which the Company would not have endorsed.
One more pamphlet must be noticed ; i it was so carefully
expressed in well-rounded, nervous English sentences that it
attracted a good deal of attention, and passed through three
editions, the last being pubHshed in 1815, long after the conten-
tion was settled. But it must be noticed simply because it
was one of those which misled the public. Mr. Hall was only
like other stay-at-home Englishmen in failing to understand
the necessity of a licence from the governing authorities for all
Europeans not in the service of the East India Company.
It was a permission to reside which was granted after taking
a kind of oath of allegiance to the Company ; an undertaking
not to transgress its rules and regulations, and not to call in
question its decisions. The hcence was the only possible
bond of subordination of a private individual to the governing
power ; it was the chief testimony of nationality for those
who went beyond the Company's borders ; and it was the
ground of their clann to protection if they got into any trouble
with the country powers. Some friends of the mission cause —
not Teignmouth nor Grant nor Buchanan, who knew better —
thought and wrote as if the licence were an engine of oppression
invented by the Company to exclude missionaries. It was
intended to exclude all who could not undertake under a penal
bond to be of good behaviour during their residence in India.
A number of would-be missionaries, both from England and
America, tried to evade this undertaking, and to insist upon
the right of Christian evangelists to go where they pleased for
the purpose of preaching the gospel, without asking any man's
permission, just as it seemed to them that the apostles must
have done at the beginning. In their eyes it was an unreason-
able, not to say an unchristian, claim.^ Mr. Hall, regretting
the ' obstructions ' placed in the way of the missionaries, and

1 Address by the Rev. Robert Hcdl, M.A., vol. 66, Tracts, India Office.

" Before ordination in the Church of England, every candidate still has to
take the oath of allegiance and the oath of supremacy, and is not allowed to
minister till he has done so. Rom. xiii. 1-8.

26 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

the vexatious prevention of their ' quiet efforts to plant the
Christian faith,' proceeded to say : ' It must surely be considered
an extraordinary fact that, in a country under the government
of a people professing Christianity, that religion should be the
only one that is discountenanced and suppressed.' This is
the underlying fallacy of the whole address. The implication
of persecution, hostilit}^ suppression was an argument that
appealed very strongly to English people, and probably won
for the petitions which were presented to Parhament more
signatures than all the other arguments put together. Yet
it was not strictly true. The whole address was written
without an accurate knowledge of the facts.

The begiiming of the year 1813 saw the commencement of a
straggle between persons and bodies of persons holding different
views on two completely different subjects : (i) the Company's
monopoly of trade ; (ii) the promotion of Christianity in the
Company's territories. The Company considered the former
subject much more important than the latter, for the reason
that their very existence as a trading company was bound up
with it. An attempt was being made by some of the most
important manufacturing towns, and by some of the largest
ports in England, to abolish the monopoly of the port of
London in the East Indian carrying trade, and the monopoly
of trade itself possessed by the Company. This important
question was growing more and more ready for settlement.
Twenty years later it was settled in favour of free commercial
intercourse. Tlie reason why it was not ready for settlement
in 1813 was the unsettled state of political affairs at the time.
The battle of Waterloo, which gave peace to Europe, made the
way easy for the inevitable change. The bulk of the questions,
when evidence was being taken before the Committees of the
two Houses of Parliament, were on the subject of trade. When
the Houses debated the provisions of the Bill, the greater part
of the discussion was taken up with the same subject. The
ecclesiastical provisions, which seem so important from the
ecclesiastical point of view, were adequately discussed ; but
there can be no douljt that the Court of Directors and the
members of both Houses of Parliament considered them of less
importance than the others.

CHAPTER II

THE CHARTER OF 1813

27(6 Parliamentanj Struggle

Committees of both Houses of Pai-liament examine witnesses. Sir John
Malcohn. Warren Hastings. Lord Teignmouth. William Cooper.
Thomas Graham. The result of the inquiry. Lord Castlereagh's resolu-
tions of March 22. The opinions of the General Court of Proprietors in
favour of the policy of the Directors. The debate. Randle Jackson.
Joseph Hume. Thomas Lowndes. The Rev. Mr. Thirh\aU. Lord
Wellesley in the House of Lords, April 9. Wilberforce in the House of
Commons, May 18. House of Commons in committee, May 31 to June 3.
First twelve clauses passed, June IG. Debate on clause xiii. Lord Castle-
reagh. Sir Henry Montgomery. Wilberforce, &c. Passed June IC.
The Court of Proprietors, June 26. Joseph Hume. Thomas Lowndes.
Mr. Villiers, &c. House of Commons Committee preparatory to third
reading, June 28. Lord Castlereagh. Charles Grant. William Smith.
House of Commons Committee, July 1. Lord Castlereagh. Sir Thomas
Sutton. Charles Marsh. Wilberforce. Prendergast and his much-quoted
opinion. Report Stage, July 12. Solemn protest by Mr. Whitshed Keene
and Mr. Forbes. Wilberforce. Bill passed Commons, July 13. Bill
passed Lords, July 16. Accepted by Court of Directors, July 21. The
clause as passed. The other ecclesiastical clauses. The character of the
clauses. The honours of victory divided.

Early in 1813 the two Houses of Parliament resolved them-
selves into committees for the pm-pose of hearing evidence on
the various points connected with the renewal of the Charter
raised by the Company, the pamphleteers, the petitioners, and
the deputations. About forty witnesses were examined by .
the Lords ; of these twenty had resided in India and two in
China ; eight were in the marine service, and the rest were
connected with commerce and trade in England. Only two
of these were examined on the ecclesiastical proposals, Warren
Hastings and Sir John Malcolm. In considering their evidence

28 THE CHURCH IN IVIADRAS

it must l>e borne in mind that the ecclesiastical proposals before
the public included a Government missionary seminary in each
Presidency. Sir John Malcolm, who served in the Madras
army before he entered the political department, and who
appears to have known something of the mission work in the
south of India, said ^ that ' attempts to introduce the Christian
religion among the natives [in the way proposed] would bo
attended with dangerous political consequences ' ; that ' in
a government so large there must be many who desire its sub-
version, and who would be ready to employ any means they
could to effect that object. Such [persons] would find those
means in any attempt that was made to convert the natives
of India upon a scale that warranted them in a belief [that it]
had the encom'agement of the British Government.' He
added : ' The missionaries sent to India by nations who have
not established any political power in that quarter have a
much better chance of effecting their object than those under
other circumstances.' Warren Hastings said " that ' in con-
sequence of the fermentation there appears to be in the minds
of the natives that the Government is in some way going to
encroach on their religious liberties, and endeavour to effect
their conversion, it would be unwise at present to introduce
a Church establishment,'^ considering the question at present
a political one.' He added : ' But I can conceive that in a
proper time and season it would be advantageous to the
interests of religion, and highly creditable to the Company
and the nation, if the ecclesiastical establishment in India were
rendered complete in all its branches.'

The Committee of the House of Commons examined about
twenty witnesses, seventeen of whom had resided in India.
Only four witnesses were examined on the ecclesiastical ques-
tion : Warren Hastings, Lord Tcignmouth, and Messieurs
William Cooper and Thomas Graham, who had all served on the
Bengal estaljlishmont. The Committee wanted the experience
and the opinion of those whom it esteemed most capable of
forming a reliable judgment. They made a mistake in calling

' Minnte-H of Evidence, Lorda' Committee, 1813, p. 25.

-' Ibid. p. 10.

■* Such as the one proposed.

THE CHARTER OF 1813 29

Thomas Graham ; for though he had travelled in the south
and seen Schwartz's work, he knew very little about it. They
ought to have called John Sullivan, the former Resident at
the Court of Tanjore, and the originator of English education
in India for natives of the higher classes. The Committee
wanted to know if the plan before the country as to a Church
establishment in India (including, as it did, the Government
seminaries) were a wise plan or otherwise. They wanted
expert opinions on the subject of the licence, which the Seram-
pore missionaries and their friends wished to have abolished ;
and they equally desired the opinions of experts on the subject
of the official restraint and control of method which the same
missionaries resented.

Warren Hastings declared himself to be in favour both of
the licence and of the control. He said : ' If missionaries had
demeaned themselves properly when I held the first place in the
government of India, I should have taken no notice of them ;
but if they had given occasion to the belief that the Govern-
ment tacitly encouraged their designs, I should certainly have
checked the attempt and withdrawn them to Calcutta from an
apprehension of the consequences which such a belief would
produce upon the minds of the people.' He maintained i that
missionaries ought not to be allowed ' to preach publicly with a
view to the conversion of the native Indians that Mahomed
is an impostor, or to speak in opprobrious terms of the Brahmins
and their religious rites. It would not be consistent with the
security of the British Empire in India to treat the religions
established in the countries of their dominion with contempt
and opprobrium ; nor with common humanity.' He reminded
the committee that there had occurred in the course of history
such things as religious riots and massacres and wars ; ' our
government is not exempt from the chances of their recurrence.'

With regard to the proposed establishment he could not
conjecture in what way it could affect the peace of the country
without knowing the religious use to which it was proposed to
put it. And he proceeded :

' May I say, without offence, that I wish any other time

' Minulefi of Evidence, Commons Committee, 1813, p. 13.

30 THE CHURCH IN JMADRAS

had been chosen for it. A surmise has gone forth of an inten-
tion in this Government to force our rehgion upon the consciences
of the people of India, who are subjected to the authority of
the Company ; it has pervaded every one of the three estabhsli-
ments of Bengal, Fort St. George, and Bombay ; and has un-
happil}' impressed itself with peculiar force upon the minds of
our native Infantry, the men on whom we must depend in the
last resort for our protection against any disturbances which
might be the effect of such surmises. Much would depend upon
the temper, conduct, and demeanour of the person elevated
to that sacred ofhce.' I dare not say all that is in my mind
upon this subject ; but it is one of great hazard.'

Warren Hastings was not opposed to a Church establish-
ment, but he thought the present time inopportune ; it being
too soon after the minds of some had been disturbed by
Buchanan's unfortunate use of the word coercion. He was
also in favour of the licence and in the power of restraint as
to missionary method.

Lord Teignmouth was examined next, and at some length.
The Committee wished to know if his experience and opinion
tallied with those of Warren Hastings, with regard (i) to
indiscreet missionary methods, and (ii) to the present danger of
the proposed establishment. He agreed with his eminent
predecessor as to (i), and to a certain extent as to (ii). In
reply to a question about indiscreet public preaching, he said
that it would be attended with danger, but that it was not
necessary to adopt such a course for converting purposes ;
that public preaching was different from private conferences,
and that what might properly be said in private might not
necessarily be said with propriety in public ; that the early
Danish missionaries proceeded largely by means of private
conferences, and that he had never heard of any dangers or
inconveniences attending their efforts .^ ' The discreet and
well-regulated efforts of missionaries, as they have generally
conducted themselves hitherto in India, would not be dangerous
to the peace and security of the British dominions in India.'

' He meant the office of J3ishop.

- The Ro^al Danish Mission at Tranqucbar was patronised and linaucially
supported by the King of Denmarli.

THE CHARTER OP 1813 31

He testified that the character of a missionary was not offen-
sive to the people of India ; and that if his conduct was prudent
and pious, he would be highly esteemed by them. But he
repeated that the dangers attending an indiscreet zeal would
be considerable, and that it would be advisable to leave the
control of teachers of Christianity at the discretion of the
Government, who are better judges of the kind of prudence
required.!

Lord Teignmouth was then asked a question on the other
matter upon which Warren Hastings had pronounced an
opinion, namely, on the wisdom of sending out a Bishop if
there were such a widespread idea as Warren Hastings men-
tioned. He gave his opinion that the sending out of a Bishop
would be viewed with perfect indifference by the natives ;
that the empowering of missionaries or others by Act of Parlia-
ment to go from England to India for the purpose of converting
the Hindus would not form a handle by which the enemies of
England would be able to set the country of India in a tlame.
He explained that the Hindus and Mahomedans knew by
experience that the Government paid every attention to their
prejudices, civil and religious, and that the freest toleration
was allowed ; that by regulation the Government left them
free in their religious ordinances, and that molestation was
punished. He added : ' I do not apprehend that they would
be brought to believe ^ that this Government ever meant to
impose upon them the religion of this country.' Being further
pressed with the opinion of Warren Hastmgs, he said : ' If a
law were to be enacted for converting the natives of India to
Christianity in such a manner as to have the appearance of
a compulsory law upon their consciences, I have no hesitation
in saying that in that case it would be attended with very

' Minides of Evidence, Commons Committee, pp. 20, 31.

- The reference to the enemies of England and to the possibility of some one
inducing the natives to believe as above was a reference to a real danger at the
time, but which is now mostly forgotten. ^Ve were still at war with France,
and there were many Frenchmen in India who had been for some time past
using every means to undermine British authority and power in the country.
If there had been any deliberate intention on the part of the Government to
convert the natives of India, these French emissaries would have used the
intention as an argument to further their designs.

32 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

great danger. If an enactment goes only to allow persons to
reside in India for the purpose of instructing the natives in the
doctrmes of Christianity, I mean as far as they are willing
to receive them, I should see no danger in it.'

Lord Teignmouth was then asked what the effect upon the
native mind would be if it apprehended that the Govern-
ment were secretly favourable to the propagation of Christian-
ity among them ; and he replied, none ' as long as they were
convmced that no forcible attempts would be made to con-
vert them.' By the word secretly the questioner probably
referred to a possible sympathy not openly declared nor acted
upon, a tacit co-operation with missionary action. He stated
that he had never heard of any discontent in consequence of
the missionary work of Schwartz and his fellows ; nor in con-
sequence of the existence and work of Koman Catholic Bishops
in India ; and it did not occur to him that the appearance of
English Bishops and Archdeacons would encourage any appre-
hension among the natives that force would be used to establish
Christianity among them.i Being asked if the Government
had ever shown any discouragement of a fair and judicious
attempt on the part of discreet persons to introduce Christian-
ity, he replied that when he was in India the question never
occurred for them to show either encouragement or discourage-
ment ; and that he had never heard, since he left India, that
they had shown any discouragement. ^

The next witness was William Cooper. The value of his
evidence consisted in its corroboration of that of Lord Teign-
mouth and Warren Hastings. He did not know as much as
they did about the mission work that had already been done
in India ; he confessed that he had never heard of the S.P.C.K.,
nor of its work in the south ; '^ that though he knew Schwartz
by name and reputation, he had never heard of Gericke or any
others ; and that he knew nothing about the numbers of their
converts. The only missionary he knew was Kiernander ; he
testified that no evil consequences had arisen from his proceed-
ings, and gave an opinion that none would arise at any time
provided the influence of Government were not employed to

' Minvies of Evidence, 1813, pp. 31-34.

■ P. 33. •' Pp. 58-60.

THE CHARTER OF 1813 33

aid them. Several times he declared that if an Act of Parlia-
ment indicated any intention on the part of the British Govern-
ment to attempt the conversion of the people of India to
Christianity, or to encourage such attempts, the greatest alarm
would be created in their minds. He was most decidedly
against any official assistance or official recognition of mission-
ary endeavour ; and he thought that the plan before the public,
and the resolutions passed at many pubhc meetings, including
that in the City of London, pressed for both.i He thought
that the agitation to make the Company into a missionary
Company, and to press the resolution of 1793, had been made use
of by the fomentors of the Vellore mutiny in 1806.3 At the
same time he knew of no measures having been taken officially
in consequence of that resolution ; ' had any measures been
taken which could have induced the smallest suspicion on the
part of the natives that any interference whatever with their
religious tenets was intended, I am satisfied that the most
dangerous effects would have been produced by it.' Mr.
Cooper was not in any way hostile to missionaries ; but to
their being trained or encouraged or officially assisted by the
Company. He said, as Lord Teignmouth said,^ ' If the mission-
aries came and worked as hitherto without authority no mis-
chief would be done ; if they were sent with the authority of
Government the utmost danger to our dominion would be the
consequence.'

William Cooper could only look at the proposed additions
to the Church establishment through the same spectacles. He
said that two days ago he should have answered in favour of
the increased establishment, provided that the right person
were chosen as Bishop, that it was intended to support the dignity
of our own Church, and that there was no intention to inter-
fere in any form with the religion of the natives. But that in
consequence of som.e reports of meetings, at which resolutions
were passed in which the religions of. India were abused as

1 P. 48.

- Pp. 52-53. He was then told that the resolution of 1793 had never received
the sanction of Government. This fact is hardly remembered in the present
day.

=* P. 42.
VOL. n. p

34 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

inhuman and degrading, and a bar to the progress of the people
in civihsation, which would ultimately find their way to India,
he apprehended that the people of India would associate the
proposal with an effort to interfere with their customs and
prejudices by force, and that the appointment of a new ecclesi-
astical establishment of a Bishop and Archdeacons would at
the present time cause a ferment. No alarm, he said, would be
excited by the addition of a few dignitaries, if such addition
were stated to be necessary to supply the spiritual wants of the
Company's European servants in India.

By means of these two inquiries before committees of the
two Houses of Parliament, the Government found out exactly
what it wanted to know. The Lords' committee confined
itself almost entirely to trade and the licence question. They
wanted to Imow especially if and why the licence was necessary
in the case of Europeans not in the Company's service. By
the evidence of some of the best of the Company's servants they
discovered that the licence in those unsettled times was still
necessary, that it was no greater hardship for a missionary to
take the quasi oath of allegiance to the Company than for any
other person, and that it was not in any way a bar to mission-
ary labour to be under the government and control of the local
authorities. One hundred years of quiet missionary work in
the south by well-ordered men, who obeyed the rules and
regulations of the higher powers, were sufficient evidence to
convince the Government that the contention was groundless.

The Commons' Committee asked no questions on this point.
They wanted to know if there was any good reason why a
complete Church establishment should not be given to India
for the better care of religion and morals ; and if there was any
good reason why the Company's local governments should
not take a part in the mission work which the bulk of the
religious-minded people of England wished to see done. The
answers to their searching questions, by those whom they
esteemed to be the fittest witnesses, decided them as to what
was best. The missionary seminaries must be left out of
account ; they plainly meant official co-operation ; and this
was unanimously condemned by the Directors themselves and
by their individual servants. As for the estabhshment they

THE CHARTER OF 1813 35

contemplated, none of the witnesses thought that it would be
a source of political danger if detached from official missionary
co-operation. The Government now knew what ecclesiastical
provisions to introduce into their Bill, and what to omit.

If there was any triumph in this conclusion i it was a triumph
for the Company against both sets of their opponents ; one
set wishing them to do more than was wise, the other wishing
them to do less than was right. Wilberforce, Buchanan, and
the Clapham set " were full of Christian zeal, but wanting in
discretion. Scott Waring, Twining, and their set were full of
discretion and the caution bred of experience, but were wanting
in Christian zeal. The best of the Company's Directors and
servants were full of both, and contended from the beginning
to the end of the controversy for the settlement that was finally
decreed. Hough describes^ the contest as one 'between the
friends and enemies of Indian missions ; the one party seeking
to have the door opened wider for the missionary's entrance
into the country ; the other desiring to see it shut more closely
against them.' This statement is not without truth ; but to
guard against coming to wrong conclusions, it is necessary to
add that the Company was neither on the side of the latter
party, nor opposed to the former.

On March 22, 1813, Lord Castlereagh, the leader of the
House of Commons, submitted a number of resolutions to the
House, indicating what the Government proposed to include
in the Bill for granting an extension of the Charter to the
Company. The principal resolutions related to administration,
trade monopol}^ and mihtary matters. The twelfth and
thirteenth were as follows :

' That it is expedient that the Church establishment in the
British territories in the East Indies should be placed under
the superintendence of a Bishop and three Archdeacons, and
that adequate provision should be made from the territorial
revenues of India for their maintenance.

* Kaye's Christianity in India, 1859, pp. 257-60.

- Not sect ; their historic title is the Clapham set, but somehow the word
became changed into sect before the middle of the nineteenth century. Sir J.
Stephen uses it {Essays in Eccl. Biog.).

■* Hough's Christianity in India, iv. 252-53.

36 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

' That it is the duty of this country to promote the interest
and happiness of the native inhabitants of the British dominions
in India ; and that such measures ought to 1)6 adopted as may
tend to the introduction among them of useful knowledge and
of religious and moral improvement. That in the furtherance
of the above objects sufficient facihties should be afforded bj^
law to persons desirous of going to and remaining in India for
the purpose of accomplishing those benevolent designs.

* Provided always that the authority of the local Govern-
ments respecting the intercourse of Europeans with the interior
of the country be preserved ; and that the principles of the
British Government, on which the natives of India have hitherto
rehed for the free exercise of their religion, be inviolably main-
tained.'

On March 24, 1813, the General Court of Proprietors of East
Indian Stock met to consider the propositions. It must be
understood that this meeting was a shareholders' meeting ;
that the Directors were in no way responsible for the opinions
expressed ; and that when those of the shareholders who wished
to express an opinion had done so, the General Court approved
of the policy of the Directors. The debate was principally on
the subject of the trade clauses.^ Mr. Handle Jackson was the
first to touch upon the ecclesiastical clauses. He deprecated
the proposed additions to the Church establishment on the
ground that they would be a temptation to the present estab-
lishment to aspire to place, power, and authority. He desired
to preserve spiritual humility among the Company's Chaplains,
uninfluenced by temporal ambition. He did not want to
introduce into India ' that sort of high vaulting ambition
which he knew to be inseparable from the possession of Church
dignity.' He repeated the same sentiments in slightly different
language over and over again. Mr. Joseph Hume also
deprecated the additions, but on different grounds. He was
anxious that there should be no want of religious instructors
in India ; he thought that there were at present enough of them
to satisfy all needs, and he opposed the increase on the ground
of economy. He questioned the political wisdom of sending
out such high dignitaries. It would be impossible to keep them

1 Debates on the East India Charter, 1813, vol i.

THE CHARTER OF 1813 37

from interfering with the poHtics of India, and consequently
affecting the councils of the Government. He deprecated the
poHcy of attempting to convert natives ; when converted they
were outcasted and rendered miserable in every way by their
own people, so that conversion was not calculated to make them
happy. Mr. Thomas Lowndes also opposed the additions. i
He objected to them on the ground of reHgion, politics, and
economy. He never knew, he said, a Bishop or an Archdeacon
to forward religion, and he was called to order. He had the
highest respect for the Church estabhshment of England ; but
' the moment a Bishop was sent to India he would be at once
placed in a situation higher than the Governor-General himself.
Hitherto the Company had had humble, meek and unassuming
pastors, who discharged their duties in a humble, meek and
unassuming manner. But if they were to send out a high priest
the consequence would be that the mild spirit and the unassum-
ing character of the present priesthood would vanish, the cause
of rehgion would suffer, and rehgious dissensions and rehgious
animosities would arise.' The Eev. Mr. Thirlwall warmly sup-
ported the clauses, citing America, Nova Scotia, and Scotland
as places where episcopacy existed without temporal power.
He reminded the Proprietors that episcopacy was on the side
of civil liberty, and brought forward the example of the six
bishops at the Eevolution. He spoke equally warmly in favour
of giving Hindus the benefit of the superior knowledge of divine
things Christians possessed.

These four were all who spoke on ecclesiastical matters at
this meeting. The opinions of the three opponents are given
to show that they can hardly be described as Philo-Hindus
contending against Christians,^ nor their opinions as Brah-
minised.3

On April 9 Lord Wellesley ^ in the House of Lords moved
for certain papers and spoke unreservedly in favour of the

' Mr. Lowndes, an Oxford graduate, was generally recognised by the
Proprietors at this and subsequent debates to be wanting in seriousness ; he
was witty and whimsical, quaint in his metaphors and turns of speech ; he
frequently caused laughter, and was frequently called to order.

- Kaye's Christianity in India, p. 274.

^ J. C. Marshman's Lives of Carey, dhc, 1859, pp. 38-40.

■• Governor-General of Bengal 1798-1805.

38 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

proposed addition to the Church estabhshment in India,
provided that care was taken by Hmiting the powers of the
Bishop to avoid colhsions between him and the Government
as to their respective aiitliorities. He thought the Bishop's
position would be a dehcate one, and that there was a possibihty
of its causing at first, owing to recent events ^ which had taken
place in India, some alarm among the natives. As to mission-
aries he generously praised those whom he knew in Calcutta ;
described them as learned men, quiet, orderly and discreet
(luring his time, who were engaged with his unofficial encourage-
ment in the translation of the Scriptures, As to the encourage-
ment given to them, ' a Christian Governor could not have
done less,' and * a British Governor ought not to do more.'

On May 18 Mr. Wilberforce, in presenting a petition from
the Baptist Missionary Society to the House of Commons,
endeavoured to correct a misapprehension that the members
of this sect had petitioned for leave to propagate their peculiar
tenets ; he stated that their object was to promote Christianity
generally without reference to sectarian doctrines. He then
bore witness to their high character and their linguistic
attainments, and read the testimonies of Lords Wellesley and
Minto in their favour. He added that one of them had been
appointed a language Professor in the college at Calcutta.^
This testimony was necessary at the time, and did the cause
in which Wilberforce was interested good service, because it
helped to soften the widespread prejudice against the mission-
aries in consequence of their being dissenters.

On May 31 the House of Commons went into Committee
to consider the clauses of the proposed Bill. The discussion
circled round the first three clauses, which referred to the
constitution of the Company, its jurisdiction, its privileges,
monopolies, and trade. On the third day these were passed ;

' It is not certain what he referred to ; it may have been the attempt on the
part of the enemies of England to create disaffection among the natives by
spreading a report that the Company contemplated interference with their
religious liberties.

- The pay was £1000 a year. Carey imitated the German missionaries in
the south by adding the money he thus earned to the common stock for the
extension of his missionary ^^ork.

THE CHARTER OF 1813 39

the rest were passed in block ; and the resolutions of the
Committee were reported to the House on June 3.

On June 11 and 14 amendments were brought forward
with a view to abolish the sovereign power of the Company in
India, and their monopoly in trade; but these were negatived. i
On June 16 the first twelve clauses of the Bill were passed,
and the thirteenth came on for discussion. Lord Castlereagh,
in introducing it, said that it was not intended to encourage
an unrestrained and unregulated resort of persons to India for
religious purposes, as this would not be consonant with the
tranquillity and security of the British dominions ; but that no
danger would arise if a certain number of persons were allowed
to proceed to India under the cognisance of the Court of
Directors. The thirteenth clause provided control both as
regarded the number and the character of the persons sent.
He saw no ground for apprehending any alarm or adverse feeling
on the part of Hindus by the appearance of more missionaries
in India ; he thought that under proper control no evil was
likely to follow the movement ; and he said that the work should
rather be done by such persons than by the Government.

Sir Henry Montgomery made a provocative speech in opposi-
tion. He had no knowledge of the mission work in the south,
but spoke as if he had. He said that during a residence of
twenty years in India he had never known an instance of any
convert being made to Christianity. This was quite possible,
as he had not been near to any centre of evangelistic work.
He added that he had never heard of any, ' except one, who was
converted by that very respectable individual, Mr. Schwartz.'
He continued : ' It was said that that gentleman, who, by-the-
bye, was a politician, had many converts ; it was true that he
was followed by several persons of the lowest class in the
scarce season ; these were called rice Christians.' ' None
had ever succeeded in making, converts except by force.'

' Quite apart fi'om the ecclesiastical proposals was the opposition to the whole
Bill on the part of various members. Some desired to see the sovereignty of
India transferred from the Company to the Crown, and the trade thrown open.
Others (including Thcnas Creevy) objected to renewing the Charter without
some monetary consideration from the Company in return for monopoly, as
on all former occasions of renewal.

40 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

' Christians in India were not converts but the descendants
of Christian settlers.' * Attempts to mtroduce Christianity
had never succeeded.' He then compared the morals of India
with those of England to the great disadvantage of the latter.
He admitted that missionaries were not the cause of the mutiny
at Vellore, but that if the missionaries were allowed to act
without restriction ^ m India, there would probably be a repeti-
tion of it in other parts ; and he was ' more anxious to save the
lives of 30,000 of his fellow-countrymen in India than the souls
of all the Hindus.' In this last sentence is afforded possibly
a glimpse of what was at the back of his mind. It can hardly
be said that his arguments could be described as Brahminised
or as Philo-Hindu ; they were founded upon ignorance of
mission work, ignorance of what the Government proposed
to do, and they mvolved the mischief of an inference from a
false premise. But their very badness resulted in a great
good ; for they mspired William Wilberforce to make his
famous reply. ^

Li this reply he took pains to let it be known that he was
no longer of opinion that the regular clergy in India should
be employed as missionaries ; nor that the appointment and
maintenance of missionaries should rest with the Government
or the Company ; he said ' it ought to be left to the spontaneous
zeal of individual Christians, controlled of course by the dis-
cretion of Government ' ; and further ' that the missionaries
should be clearly understood to be armed with no authority,
furnished with no commission, from the governing power of the
country.' He assured the House that in this matter he ab-
horred compulsion, disclaimed all use of the authority and
influence of the Government, and trusted altogether to the
effects of reason and truth. In this matter he had clearly
modified some of his earlier views, had forsaken Buchanan for
Lord Teignmouth, and was enunciating the views of the
Directors of the East India Company. Then he proceeded to
reply to Sir Henry Montgomery ; this he did without passion
or reproach, unerringly, justly and temperately, so that in

' It was not proposed that they should.

- Hansard's Parliamentary Debates ; and it is bound up in one of the volumes
of Tracts at the India Office.

THE CHARTER OF 1813 41

his argument he carried the House with him. His speech is
one of his several monuments.

Ten other members spoke on the same day, five supporting
and five opposing the clause. One of the five opponents had
no objection to missionaries going to India as heretofore, but
disliked a legislative enactment in their favour, on the ground
that it might be misunderstood in India. i Another objected
on the ground that the enactment would defeat its own object
by the declaration of its purpose, believing that everything
that was desirable to be done could be done under the licensing
clause as in times past.2 Two others opposed apparently on
purely party grounds. The one genuine opponent of all
missionary endeavour m India was Mr. Prendergast, who had
had the unpleasant experience of witnessing, and assisting to
quell, the riot in Calcutta caused by the indiscretion of the
Serampore Baptist missionaries. Without being either Brah-
minised or a Philo-Hindu he was whole-hearted in his opposi-
tion because of his experience. The resolution that clause
xiii. stand part of the Bill was carried that night by 89 to 36.
The Bill was then read a second time without further division.

On June 26 there was another meeting of the Court of
Proprietors. The discussion 3 was principally on the subject
of trade, but six of the speakers referred to clauses xii. and xiii. ;
of these four were in favour of them. Mr. Joseph Hume de-
precated the increase of the Church establishment on the score
of expense ; he did not oppose it from a religious point of view,
but because the Company could not afford it ; he thought it
would be oppressive to the Company's means ; he was sure
the hierarchy could do no more than the Company's Chaplains
had done or could do. He accused the Government of wishing
for the increase in order to have another source of patronage,
and suggested that if H.M.'s Ministers had this plan so much
at heart, they should pay for it themselves. As to mission-
aries, he would not forbid them to go ; it was the poHcy of the
Company to permit every man to go who obeyed the laws
and conducted himself properly, and he saw no reason for
making an exception in the case of missionaries provided they

1 Mr. Forbes of Bengal. - Sir T. Sutton,

• ^ Debates on the East India Charter, vol. ii.

42 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

behaved discreetly, peaceably, and without violating the
people's prejudices. All who read the correspondence between
the Government of Bengal and the Board of Control would be
satisfied that the Company were disposed to afford every
facility for the propagation of Christianity, as long as the
effort was consistent with public tranquillity, and that they
interfered only when opposite measures were taken. He
trusted that every rational being in this country would set his
face against any attempt to convert the natives by the force of
official authority. If the business of conversion were left to
the pious zeal of private persons he saw no harm in their being
allowed to do the work ; but he deprecated all ostensible
countenance of such proceedings by the Company's Govern-
ments, and therefore deprecated the appointment of a Bishop
and Archdeacons. He concluded by conjuring the Court of
Directors not to venture on a proceeding which involved so
much risk.

Mr. Thomas Lowndes spoke ^ in much the same way as at
the last Proprietors' meeting. He was called to order twice.
Nobody seemed to pay any serious attention to what he said,
so there is no reason why anyone should now. He was opposed
to an increased establishment because of the expense — because
the love of power was so inherent in a Church dignitary that the
Government of India would be made uneasy and uncomfortable
— and because if once a Bishop were admitted, they would have
in a few years a Bishop in every province of the Indian empire.
He had no objection to a proper supply of clergy, Anglican,
Roman, and Scotch ; ' Anglican and Roman were monarchy
men, whose principles were congenial with the government and
principles of the British Constitution ; Scotch Presbyterians
were a decent orderly set of men ; as to Sectarians ' — ^ho
objected to them all, and said some hard things, and was called
to order. His opinions would not be noticed here, if it were not
that they seem to include the worst that could be said against
the clauses.

Mr. Villiei-s brought the discussion back to the plane of reason
and argument." He said that it was not a question of forcing

' Debates on the East India Charter, ii. 217.
- Ibid. 1813, ii. 227.

THE CHARTER OF 1813 43

Christianity on the country, or of proceeding by fraud to do it ;
it was a question whether a person who vokmteered bis services
to communicate his feehngs to those who, chose to hear him
should or should not be permitted to go to'India. He would
vote against power or force or violence of any kind ; as he
understood it, the intention was to urge the doctrines of Christ-
ianity by the influence of persuasion and the conviction of
truth ; he would vote for allowing the piety and zeal of individ-
uals under proper control to do what they could, Mr. Howarth
urged caution. Mr. Bacon supported the clauses. Mr. Eobert
Grant expressed the general view of the Directors and of the
authorities in India, when he said that ' it would be impossible
to permit any free circulation of missionaries of any persuasion
whatever, without having them completely under the power and
control of the local Governments ' ; as the clause stood this
control was provided for ; therefore there was no occasion to
oppose it, nor to put any impediment in the way of their
going out.

On June 28 Lord Castlereagh in the House of Commons
moved the order of the day for going into conmiittee preparatory
to the third reading. It was on this day that the Grants,
father and son, both spoke ; they said little about the twelfth and
thirteenth clauses ; both were at pains to vindicate the Court of
Directors from some imputations which had been deliberately
cast upon them in the course of the discussion. Lushington
was decided in his opposition ; his experience on the west coast
of India was that conversions were possible, but that they
created ill-feeling and quarrellmg among the people. William
Smith saw and said that * gentleman of equal respectability
and knowledge had given evidence on each side of the question ' ;
he asked how were they then to act ? and suggested they should
take the side to which the precepts of Scripture leaned. He
was moderate in his demand ; for he did not contend for the
employment of any force or official influence, but only that
Christianity should not be prevented from taking root in a soil
calculated for its reception.

On July 1 the House again went into committee. Lord
Castlereagh asked that the clause regarding the propagation of
Christianity might be allowed to pass without discussion, as it

44 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

could be discussed at the report stage if further discussion
was necessary. But the opponents— neither they who were
opposing the Government for party reasons, nor they who
feared missionary enterprise in India, nor they who thought
the attempt ridiculous — would not allow the thirteenth clause
to pass without further opposition.

Sir Thomas Sutton repeated his former objections, not to
the principle of the clause, but to the impolitic way in which,
in his opinion, it was sought to carry it out. Lord Castlereagh
defended the terms of the clause in a manner which showed that
he was in sympathy with the views of Lord Teignmouth, Charles
Grant, and the Directors of the East India Company. Then a
remarkable thing happened. Mr. Charles Marsh,-^ a barrister,
rose and replied to the speech which Wilberforce had made in
favour of the second reading. He advanced no argument
which had not been advanced before ; but he clothed all the old
arguments with logic and orderly sequence, and launched them
with the power of eloquence. He mentioned the probability
of alarm among the natives when the text of the clauses reached
India, with the speeches, resolutions, petitions, all couched
in no uncertain language, to serve as commentaries upon them.
He pointed out the imprudence of altering the licence system
in such a manner that persons would be able to set at defiance
the local Governments. As a matter of fact this contingency
was provided against. He brought forward the argument of
the Vellore mutiny, as the direct result of an unwise order
which interfered with a caste practice, and the indirect result
of Christian activity. He denounced Buchanan and Kerr as
* zealous patrons of sectarian missionaries.' He praised the
policy of non-interference, on the ground that though our sub-
jects in India uphold our empire by the willing service of attach-
ment, still there are limits to their allegiance. He pointed out
the danger of making experiments on a machine so delicate and

' Charles Marsh went to Madras in 1809 to practise his profession in the
High Court there. Apparently he did not find sufficient scope for the exercise
of his undoubtedly great powers as an advocate and special pleader, for he
returned home in 1810. His exceedingly clever speech was published in pam-
phlet form (vol. 7~), Tracts, India Office), and he made a reputation by it. At
Madras he defended with conspicuous abihty the officers who were prosecuted
in connection with the officers' mutiny.

THE CHARTER OF 1813 45

complex as our empire in India. The question, he said, was
not of the duty of diffusing Christianity, but of the time, place,
and opportunity. His opinion was that the time had not come,
the place was not ready, and that the opportunity was being
made instead of waited for. He then referred to the difficulty
of the task, and the impenetrability of the caste barrier, which
only they who have been to India realise ; and he took occasion
to rebuke Wilberforce for speaking of the difficulties as ' bug-
bears that haunt the imagination of that part of the House,
who having been to India are the least competent to pronounce
on the subject.' That was the only vulnerable part in Wilber-
force's speech ; it was of course a foolish thing to say, especially
as he had on his side some of the most famous Anglo-Indian
administrators and politicals. Marsh replied : ' It savours
somewhat of paradox that we should be disqualified from
bearing testimony by the only circumstance that can entitle
us to credence.'

Marsh referred to the missionary as quite undisturbed as to
what might be the political result of his action ; the missionary
simply argued that the Hindus were sunk in gross heathenism,
their superstitions were brutal, their characters were contempt-
ible, and that therefore the duty of converting them was over-
whelming. He then defended the Hindus against some
accusations that had been brought against them. This was not
difficult, for they had been represented as little better than
savages and barbarians for controversial purposes. Finally
he attacked the missionaries, and regretted that they were
to be sent out from all sects and persuasions and opinions.
* No one cares whether the Christianity to be taught is the
genuine language of its author or the dream of mysticism and
folly.' And he asked if the blessings of a corrupted Christianity
could outweigh the evils of a tolerably enlightened heathenism.
He drew a mental picture of the jarring and contradictory
doctrines of the missionaries themselves, and said that there
seemed to be no anxiety to introduce that unity of faith on which
the mind of man could rest and repose. ' The Parliament of
Great Britain is called upon to grant facilities for the diffusion
of dissent and schism from every doctrine which the law and
the civil magistrate have sanctioned.'

46 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

The speech, whose eloquence was acknowledged by Wilber-
force in his reply, had a considerable influence upon the House ;
and had it not been for the spiteful attack upon the mission-
aries, who were not commonly regarded as dangerous but only
as harmless lunatics, the effect would probably have been
greater. Wilberforce took advantage of the blunder in his
reply, and made the most of it. He admitted that there was
a risk in attempting even by reasonable and prudent methods
to introduce into India the blessings of Christian truth and
moral improvement ; but he thought the risk ought to be
taken. He was evidently fearful lest the eloquence of Marsh
should have had a greater effect than it really had, for he
pleaded for the clause as if it were in danger. His anxiety was
quite unnecessary ; the eloquence and logic of Marsh were
manifestly a pleasure to the listeners, but the speech had no
true ring of truth and conviction in it ; it was a great forensic
display, a clever piece of special pleading, an able and artistic
placing of a case before a jury. The House admired but was
not moved as it had been by Wilberforce a fortnight before.
Wilberforce had to reply ; he might have done this without
either anxiety or resentment.

M'. Prendergast opposed the clause and repeated his old
arguments. It was on this occasion that he said ^ that ' the
attempt to convert the Hindus was the most absurd infatuation
that ever besotted the weakest mind.' Seven other speakers
repeated their old arguments, and then the clause was carried
by 54 to 32.

On July 12, 1813, the report of the Bill was brought up.
Mr. Whitshed Keene made a solemn protest against the measure,
as containing a clause which was full of danger, because appear-
ing to identify the Government with the missionary cause.
Mr. Forbes was opposed to the introduction of Christianity
into India in the manner suggested. He had been a Bengal
civilian. He was neither Brahminised nor an indifferent
Christian. He said that he was the son, the brother, and the
father of a clergyman, and that he had assisted to translate the
Gospels into the Hindu language. It may be taken that he,
like several other Anglo-Indians, was opposed to the method

' Hansard's Debates, 1813, May to July, p. 1080.

THE CHARTER OF 1813 47

rather than to the principle of the clause. Like Mr. Tierney,
who spoke subsequently, he had no objection to Christianity
being propagated, but he objected to the intention being
proclaimed aloud and incorporated in an Act of Parliament ;
he had no objection to missionaries going to India as heretofore,
but objected to such facilities being made the object of legis-
lative enactment.

Wilberforce answered objections ; Mr. Stephen pleaded
that the mere permission given to go was innocuous ; Lord
Castlereagh warmly supported the clause ; the amendment
was defeated by 48 to 24, and the Bill was read a third time on
July 13, 1813.

The House of Lords went into committee on the East
India Resolutions on June 21. The Earl of Buckinghamshire i
moved them. An amendment to postpone their reception was
defeated by 49 to 14, and on June 22 they were agreed to.
On July 16 the Bill came up for second reading. Very little
was said about Eesolations xii. and xiii. Lord Lauderdale
trusted that the aid of the civil power would not be called in to
attempt to give effect to the propagation of Christianity in
India ; he was reassured by Earl Stanhope and by the Earl of
Buckinghamshire, the latter of whom pointed to the clause
in the Bill which made it imperative on the Government of
India to secure to the natives the free exercise of their religion.
The Bill was then agreed to, and it received the royal assent
later.

On July 15 and 21 it was minutely considered by a Com-
mittee of the whole Board of Directors. Some provisions were
objected to, but not those which related to ecclesiastical and
missionary matters. Finally the Board resolved to accept it,
and to try to fulfil all the new duties it imposed. The Bill
was a lengthy one. It embodied the substance of the resolu-
tions proposed m the House of Commons on February 22,
1813 ; but in the process of dealing with the prmciples in
detail, the resolutions had grown into about sixty clauses or
chapters." The first thirty-two of these referred to trade and

1 Formerly Lord Hobart, Governor of Fort St. George.
■^ For convenience I have referred to the two main ecclesiastical and mission-
ary provisions as Resolutions or clauses xii. and xiii, throughout.

48 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

administration and militaiy matters. The thirty-third referred
to persons proceedmg to India. It finally received the royal
assent in this form : i

' 33. And whereas it is the duty of this country to promote
the interest and happiness of the Native inhabitants of the
British Dominions in India, and such measures ought to be
adopted as may lead to the introduction among them of useful
knowledge and of religious and moral improvement ; and in
furtherance of the above objects sufficient facilities ought to
]je afforded by law to persons desirous of going to and remaining
in India for the purpose of accomplishing those benevolent
designs ; so as the authority of the local Governments respecting
the intercourse of Europeans with the interior of the country
be preserved ; and the principles of the British Government
on which the natives of India have hitherto relied for the free
exercise of their religion be inviolably maintained : And whereas
it is expedient to make provision for granting permission to
persons desirous of going to and remaining in India for the
above purposes, and also to persons desirous of going to and
remaining there for other purposes ;

' Be it therefore enacted that when and as often as any
application shall be made to the said Court of Directors for or
on behalf of any person or persons desirous of proceeding to the
East Indies for permission so to do, the said Court shall, unless
they shall think fit to comply therewith, transmit every such
application within one month from the receipt thereof to the
said Board of Commissioners for the affairs of India ; and in
case the said Commissioners shall not see any sufficient objection
thereto, it shall and may be lawful for the said Commissioners
to direct that such person or persons shall, at his or their own
special charge, be permitted to proceed to any of the said
principal settlements of the said Company, and that such
person or persons shall be furnished by the said Court of
Directors with a certificate or certificates, according to such
form as the said Commissioners shall prescribe, signifying that
such person or persons hath or have so proceeded with the
cognisance and under the sanction of the said Court of Directors ;
and that all such certificates shall entitle the persons obtaining
the same, so long as they shall properly conduct themselves,
to the countenance and protection of the several Governments

' Affairs of the East India Company, Ivii. 425.

THE CHARTER OF 1813 49

of the said Company in the East Indies and parts aforesaid in
their respective pursuits ; subject to all such provisions and
restrictions as are now in force, or may hereafter be judged
necessary with regard to persons residing in India.'

It was enacted that all such persons should be subject to
the regulations of the local Governments ; ^ and that the local
Governments might declare the licences to be void if it should
appear to them that the persons to whom they had been granted
had forfeited their claim to countenance and protection ; -
and that the local Governments should retain their power of
sending home persons, licensed or unlicensed, whose presence
in India was for any good reason undesirable.

Then followed the clauses establishing a Bishop and three
Archdeacons for the better superintendence of ecclesiastical
matters, — the clauses relating to their jurisdiction, the power
of recalling them, their pay and pension, — the clauses relating
to the visitatorial power of the Bishop of London over the
Company's civil and military colleges of Haileybury and
Addiscombe, — and a clause directing that all payments for
ecclesiastical purposes should be made out of the Company's
territorial revenues. This clause was put in to satisfy those
proprietors of East Lidia stock whose objections were based
on the supposition that the expense of the new establishment
would be paid out of trade profits. It also satisfies those of
later times, who, since the introduction of imperial taxes,
might on principle object to the payment of an ecclesiastical
department out of taxes raised from people of the several
different religions of India. -^

^ Clause or chapter 35. - Clause or chapter 36.

^ The East India Company were, like the British Government are now,
the landlords of British India. They derived an income from ground rents as
well as from trade. The profits from trade, after paying the expenses of the
same, were the legitimate property of the proprietors of shares. Out of the
territorial revenues were paid the cost of the civil, military, naval, ecclesiastical
and medical establishments, the administration of justice, the making and
maintaining of roads and other means of improving and developing the country
which had undesignedly come under British rule. As landlords of India the
Company calculated their rent year by year according to the yield of the crops,
taking a definite proportion of the profit and leaving a definite proportion for
the cultivator. This just system of calculating rent is still pursued in the
Madras Presidency.

VOL. U. E

50 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Li order that there might be no risk of the Bishop's authority
clashing with that of the civil Government, it was si^ecially
enacted that the Bishop's jmisdiction was to be limited by
the Letters Patent which gave him authority to act. And
to satisfy the doubts of those who professed to think that the
new Church officials would only be new free merchants under
another name, it was further enacted that the Bishop and Arch-
deacons were neither to take fees nor perquisites, nor to trade.

The passing of the Act was a triumph for the British Govern-
ment of the day, for they carried a measure through Parliament
which has been of the greatest service to the causes of religion
and morals in Lidia among all classes of residents, European,
Eurasian, and native. It was a triumph also for the Hon. East
India Company, who, through the judicious persistence of their
wisest members and their most distinguished servants, per-
suaded the Government to adopt all the wise provisions which
made it a prudent measure. And it was a triumph for the
religious-mmded people of England, the friends of the mission
cause, as against those who opposed it on different grounds,
or who were supremely indifferent to it. The additions to the
Chm'ch estabHshment in India came very short of Dr. Buchanan's
suggestions,'^ and the missionary scheme did not come up to
the original demands of the party at Wilberforce's back ; but
it was a triumph all the same that by Act of Parliament men
of good character and assured mcome " should be licensed to
go to India for moral, religious and educational purposes.

' As Hough admits; Christianity in India, iv, 194.

- If men had been allowed to go without an assured income from private
sources, they might have become chargeable to the Company or to the charity
of the Company's servants.

CHAPTEE III

THE BUILDING, CONSECRATION, AND OWNERSHIP OF
CHURCHES

The early policy of not building. The policy of making grants-in-aid. In-
crease of Chaplains after the fall of Seringapatam. The policy of building
in military stations and paying the whole cost. The cheap building.
Further increase of Chaplains, The transition period between the old
policy and the new. The Military Board. Tho ordinary procedure between
1807 and 1833. Churches built during that period. Tho supply of
furniture according to the 1833 Rules. Third period of Church building.
Ownership of Churches. Trustee owners. The consecration of the Churches.
The effect of consecration. The limited powers of trustee owners.

The history of Church building in India may be divided into
several periods corresponding with tho changing policy of the
Directors. From the commencement of their ventures in the
East the Directors had a very distinct religious policy. As
practical business men they knew that they would be best
served by men of religious principle and practice; and they knew
perfectly well how great is the restraining influence of a good
minister. From the beginning, therefore, they appointed
Chaplains to their ships and factories. In each factory the
largest room was used for the common purposes of the mer-
chants. It was theu" consultation room, their commercial
exchange room, and their dining-room. And the Dkectors
ordered that the room should also be used for divine service
on Sundays, and for the daily prayers on other days.

Some of the early merchants recognised the incongruity of
the uses to which the room was put, and remembered with
regret the Churches m the city of London where they had
learned their duty to God and man. Streynsham Master at
Surat was the hrst man to translate this feeling into action,

£ 2

52 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

and to raise money among his fellow merchants for a separate
Church building. Before he had carried out the scheme he was
transferred to Fort St. George ; but he took his feelings with
him and was instrumental in buildhig St. Mary's Church in
the Fort, the first English Church in India.

In this effort the Dnectors had no part ; they looked on
with encouragement, but they gave no linancial help. They
obtamed the deeds and instruments necessary for the consecra-
tion of the Church from the Bishop of London, and probaljly
paid all the fees ; but they made no grant from their funds for
the building expenses. They approved, but they stood outside
the movement altogether. This was in 1680. Later on, when
a Church was built at Calcutta in 1709, the Directors assisted
with a grant of money and building material. i And in 1715,
when the merchants at Bombay were building their Church, the
Directors agam co-operated with a gi'ant.

In the Carnatic the policy of approval and co-operation
was pursued during the eighteenth century. Christ Church,
Trichinopoly, was completed in 1766 with the Company's
assistance," and Christ Church, Tanjore, was similarly com-
pleted in 1780.'^ The Directors also approved of assistance
bemg given hi the building of the Churches at Vellore, Eamnad,
Ellore, and North Black To\mi, and in the repair of the Churches
at Vepery and Cuddalore. In none of these cases did they
take the initiative. But they knew of the value of Churches
to then- civil and military servants, and they assisted in then-
building and reparation.

This polic}^ came to an end m 1807. The fall of Seringa-
patam was the cause of the change. By the breakmg up of the
power of Mysore nearly the whole of the south of India came
under the jurisdiction of the Company. Before that conquest
took place British territory in the south was small in extent.
The Nawab of the Carnatic was the nominal owner and ruler.
The Company upheld his power by placing garrisons m various
forts in his dommions. But they did not feel themselves called
upon to build Churches for the different garrisons. When the
temtory becanje then* own, and the garrisons were increased in

' The Pariah of Bengal, by the Ven. H. B. Hyde, p. 23.

- The Church in Madras, vol. i. p. 580. ■* Ibid. i>. 007.

THE BUILDING OF CHURCHES 53

number and strength, the question assumed a new aspect and
the old pohcy was altered.

There was a Brigade at the new cantonment at Trichinopoly,
three miles from the Fort ; also at Secunderabad, Cannanore,
Bangalore, Bellary, and Masuhpatam, and detachments at
smaller stations. None of these new cantonments had Churches
in 1807 ; only two of them had Chaplains. In the year 1805
the Governor in Council strongly recommended the Directors
to appoint more Chaplains. He enclosed in his letter a report
of the Senior Chaplain, Dr. Kerr, on the general neglect of
public worship, and the general deterioration of morals. The
Court replied by increasing the number.^ Before they arrived
the Vellore mutiny took place, and the Commander-in-Chief
was called upon to report upon the cause of it. There was a
suspicion in India on the part of some that the mutiny was due
to a fear that the Government had some design of forcibly
converting the people to Christianity. The Commander-in-
Chief, General Hay MacDowall, wrote thus : ~

' If there is an idea remote from all apparent probabilit}^
and remote from every direct cause of its being suggested to
the minds of the people, the intention on the part of Government
of converting them to Christianity by force is of that descrip-
tion. In no situation has so much toleration and such an
unlimited freedom of religious opinions and ceremonials been
displayed as under the British Government in India ; and in
no situation have so few measures been pursued by British
subjects for the conversion of the people to the religion which
we profess. No Englishmen have hitherto been employed on
this duty in the Provinces of the Peninsula ; and from the
almost total absence of religious establishments in the interior
of the country, from the habits of life prevalent among military
men, it is a melancholy truth that so infrequent are the religious
observances of officers doing duty with Battalions that tlie
sepoys have not until very lately discovered the nature of the
religion professed by the English.'

With the expression of so strong an opinion the matter
could not be allowed to rest. The Commander-in-Chief was

1 Despatch, April 9, 1806, 104-18, Public.
- Despatch, May 29, 1807, 17, Political.

54 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

asked to give his opinion as to what should be done. He
recommended ^ that chapels should be erected at all military
stations where European troops arc quartered, ' whatever may
be urged to the contrary,' and reminded the Government that
this pohcy had been pursued in Bengal since 1798. Copies of
this letter were sent to the Directors both by the Public and
the jMilitar}' Departments ; '-^ and the Directors replied to Ihem,^
authorising the buildmg of chapels (upon the same cheap plan
as in Bengal) at all permanent military stations to which a
Chaplain is attached, where no convenient place exists for the
celebration of public worship.

From this time the Government embarked on the new
policy of taking the initiative in military stations and paying
the cost of buildmg. The mention of the cheap buildmg
suggests that they were only half in earnest. What they meant
was a building without architectural adornment ; plain, perhaps
ugly, l)ut solid. And as if to show that they did not mtend
their plan to fail through the adoption of half measures, they
sanctioned the purchase of sacramental plate for every station
to which a Chaplain was attached, and a supply of Bibles and
Prayer-books.

When the six Churches ^* were finished preparations were
made for their consecration. The erection of the buildings
was at once followed by an mcrease in the number of Chaplains.
The Directors were probably advised b}'' their law officers of the
restriction of the use of consecrated buildings by the Act of
Uniforiiiity, and knew that none except those in Holy Orders
could be licensed to officiate in them. They therefore increased
the number of Chaplains from fifteen to eighteen.^ Their
mind and intention can be gathered from the first draft of
paragraph six of the despatch. They wrote : ^'

' We have recentty been led to review the scale of the

' His letter to the Government is dated Nov. 19, 1807.

' Letter, Dec. 14, 1807, 49-52, Military ; Letter, Jan. 'M, 1808, 120, Public.
'■' Despatch, Jan. 11, 1809, 153, Public.

•• The Churches and burial-grounds at Cannanore, Bangalore, Bellary, St.
John's, Trichinopoly, and the two Churches at Masulipatam.
•' Despatch, April 29, 1814, U, Pubhc.
* Draft Despatches, India OfiSce Records.

THE BUILDING OF CHURCHES 55

Ecclesiastical establishment of your Presidency, particularly
with reference to the enlargement which the Act lately passed
relative to the Company affords to missionary exertions in
India. It may hence be expected that in process of time
persons of different religious denominations will appear in
that country ; and the zeal which carries them thither may
naturally be expected to dispose them to offer their ministra-
tions to any communities of Europeans where there is no stated
clergymen. Without meaning to impeach the motive which
might thus actuate them, we nevertheless think it would be
desirable that there should be a regular supply of Chaplains
of the estabhshed Church of England not only at all the prin-
cipal stations, civil and military, but at the larger stations of
the secondary class, civil or military, not yet provided with a
Chaplain, and where there is a competent community of
Christians.'

This draft was discussed by the Court of Directors and
rejected. It did not appear to them to be necessary to give
any reason for their action, and they substituted a plain state-
ment that they proposed to increase the estabhshment to
eighteen. The draft shows, however, very plainly that they
never intended the Churches they were building and helping
to build to be used by any other rehgious body than that
of the Church of England.

The Company's new policy of providing buildings came
so suddenly upon the old policy of leaving their civil and
military servants to provide buildings for themselves, that in
some stations at a distance from the Presidency town the old
method was pursued for some time after the new policy had
been declared. Of the six Churches above mentioned as
ready for consecration, one was built entirely without the
assistance of the Government, namely St. Mary's, Masulipatam ;
and the other, St. John's, Masulipatam, was built almost
entirely at the cost of the civil and military officers of the station.
The Chaplains were doubtful if the new policy was intended
entirely to supersede the old. At some of the smaller stations
they proceeded to act as if the old policy were still in force, and
erected small buildings at the cost of subscribers. Such a
building was erected at Tellicherry on the west coast. It was
neither well built nor well designed. Consequently the

56 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Government of Fort ISt. George issued an injunction in 1818
that no place of worship should thereafter be erected without
the permission of the Government previously obtained. There
were two reasons for this order. One was that missionaries
might give offence by erecting chapels in too close a proximity
to Hindu temples or Maliomedan mosques, or within the
boundaries of a special Maliomedan or Hindu quarter. And
the other was the possibility of being called upon to repair the
chapels erected in civil or militarj^ stations. If the Government
was expected to repair, it was only right that they should be
certified before erection of the adequacy of the foundations
and the thickness of the walls and such like particulars.

In the Madras Presidency a different system was pursued
from that which existed in the other Presidencies. The Military
Board considered and decided the expediency of erecting and
repairing all military buildings, including the chapels in military
stations. The Directors wished i the matter to be considered
in the Public Dej)artment upon a report from the military
authorities. The Government of Fort St. George replied that
their system was not attended with any disadvantage or in-
convenience, and that they did not therefore judge it requisite
to make any altera tion.^ The Directors acquiesced ^ in their
resolution to retain their own procedure.

Before 1833 there were no special rules regulating the
erection of Churches and other buildings. Every fresh case
was submitted to the Military Board, and was settled by
them on its merits. If approved by them it was sanctioned
by the Government and reported to the Directors for their
consent. If the Directors withheld their consent, as they
sometimes did, their reply was generally too late to prevent the
carrying out of the sanctioned scheme ; for the long period of
one and a half years had to elapse before a reply to a letter
could be received.

The system of providing everything necessary for public
worship in military stations lasted till 1833. During the
period twenty -tlnee Churches and chapels were built for the use

1 Despatch, April 8, 1819, 104, 100, 111, IIG, Military.
■ Letter, Jan. 9, 1821, 119, 120, Military.
3 Pespatch, May 13, 1823, 22, Military.

THE BUILDING OF CHURCHES 57

of Europeans and Eurasians. Of these three were mission
chapels intended also for the use of native Christians. Of
the whole number fifteen were built and furnished by the
Government, two were assisted with grants, and six were
built without Government assistance.

The fifteen were :
1808 Fort Chapel, Bangalore. 1818 C.M.S. Chapel, Black

1811 St. Mark's, Bangalore. Town.

— Cannanore. 1828 Quilon.

— St. John's, Trichinopoly. 1829 St. Stephen's, Ootaca-

— Fort Church, Bellary. mund.

1812 Secunderabad. — Tripassore.
1816 Arcot. 1832 Nagpore.

— St. Thomas' Mount. 1833 Kamptee.

— Poonamallee.

The two were :

1810 St. John's, Masulipatam. 1827 St. Matthias, Yepery

(S.P.C.K.).
The six were :

1810 St. Mary's, Masulipatam. 1823 John Pereiras Chapel
1815 St. George's (Cathedral). (C.M.S.).

1820 Tellicherry. 1832 Mysore.
1828 Aurangabad.

In the year 1833 the Government of Bengal asked the
Directors to communicate their ' general views regarding the
provision of places of worship, their fittings and the supply of
sacred furniture.' They replied i that they had long since laid
it down as a principle that such edifices as might be necessary
should be plain and simple in style, so as to avoid unnecessary
expense, and that they should be built only at stations where
there was a resident Chaplain. They continued :

' With regard to the supply of sacred furniture we are quite
aware that such articles as Fonts and Communion Plate cannot
be dispensed with; and considering them as forming the
component parts of the Churches, they must be provided by
Government. But we are of opinion that Bells and such like

» Despatch to Bengal, Sept. 4, 1833, 3, 4, Eccl.

58 THE CHURCH IN IMADRAS

appendages are not indispensable requisites, if requisites at all,
and that the Company should not be subjected to the expense of
providing them. We are also of opinioji that if the congrega-
tions desire to have organs, they and not the Company should
defray the charge of providing them, as well as the salaries of
the Organists ; and you will distinctly understand that we
shall not sanction an}' disbursement for these or any other
objects not essentially necessary for the due performance of
Divine service.'

This order drew a distinction between fittings that were
necessary and fittings that were luxuries, and threw the cost
of providing the latter upon those who used the Churches.
Perhaps they were right in reckoning altar fittings, hangings,
and organs among the luxuries ; they were hardly right in
including bells, and excusably wrong in including punkahs.
The order as to bells remamed in force till 1851,i and in the
following year punkahs were included in the list of necessary
furniture in military Churches.^ There was a certain amount
of injustice to officers and men, who marched to Church by
order, in the exclusion of punkahs. They were practically told
either to provide them themselves or to go without. It took
many years to persuade the Directors that the Church is gener-
ally the hottest building in the cantonment, and that sweltering
in perspiration is not conducive to effective public worship.

In April 1850 the Government of Fort St. George caused to
be collected together all the directions, cases, and precedents
scattered about in the records of the Mihtary Board and in their
own Ecclesiastical Proceedings, and published as a code of
rules for the guidance of all concerned in the future. The
Directors approved of this code,"^ and it remained in force until
it was superseded in 1865.

The third period of Church building, which lasted from 1833
to 1865, differed from the second period in this respect. In the
second period the Directors had in their minds chiefly and
principally those stations where British soldiers were quartered,
and they paid the whole cost of the Church building and

' Despatch, July 16, 1851, 17, Eccl.
- iJespatch, March 31, 1852, 4, Eccl.
=' Despatch, August 31, 1853, 9, Eccl.

THE BUILDING OF CHURCHES 59

furnishing. By the year 1833 all the larger military stations
in the Southern Presidency were provided for. Beside these
there were many civil stations where there was also a native
regiment with British officers, and some civil stations where
there were no troops at all. The religious needs of these
stations were ignored in the second period. During the third
period there was an effort to supply them. The local Govern-
ment pursued the earher system of giving grants-in-aid to
build Churches in the smaller stations where a Chaplain was
resident. In 1844 they promulgated a rule i that in all cases
the congregation should bear half the expense of furnishing a
Church, exception being made in special cases where the con-
gregation was small. This exception was quite against the
rules of the Company. Their rule had hitherto been to do
nothing for small congregations. The Government proposed
to do everything for them. The Directors did not approve.
They regarded the new rule as at variance with all precedent.

A little later the Government requested mstructions for
future guidance in the matter of assisting to build Churches at
out-stations. The Directors replied " that in most cases the
expense need not be incurred, but that under certain circum-
stances it might be necessary for Government to contribute.

Before the period came to an end the principle of assisting
in all cases was established and followed, and the amount to
be raised locally both for building and furnishing was fixed
at one half the total cost.

It was during this period that the system of making grants
towards the cost of building Eoman Catholic chapels was com-
menced. The first grant was made in 1840. The grant for
Kamptee was Rs.4000 ; Bellary, Es.2000 ; Bangalore, Es.4000 ;
St. Thomas' Mount, Ks.2000 ; Secunderabad, Es.2000;
Jaulnah, Es.lOOO, &c. And it was also during this period
that the Eoman Catholic missionaries began to receive allow-
ances for their ministrations to British soldiers of their faith.

When the first Bishop of Madras arrived on the coast in
October 1835, he found that the second period of Church building
had come to an end, and that the new poHcy had begun. In

1 Despatch, March 10, 1847, 8, Eccl.; Despatch, Dec. 30, 1844.
- Despatch, Oct. 20, 1847, 50, Eccl.

60 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

cantonments where there were troops the mihtary authorities
still took the initiative, and the Government erected buildings
and paid all or most of the cost. In all other cases the initiative
was taken by the local civilians. Sometimes they erected the
])uilding themselves and paid the whole cost of it. Sometimes
a local building committee was formed. Subscriptions were
paid to its honorary secretary. The services of the Company's
engineer were placed at its disposal ; and when the cost of the
building was known the Government paid its half share to the
local connnittee, who paid the contractor by instalments as
the work progressed. This system continued until 1865.

The change of policy with regard to the ownership of the
Churches which took place during the period under review
(1805-35) is one of the noteworthy events of the time. Up to
1805 the Government had no desire to possess the buildings.
They acquired Church buildings in the eighteenth century
from the French at Vepery and Cuddalore, and from the
Dutch at Negapatam, Pulicat, Cochin, Tuticorin, and Sadras.
They helped liberally in the building of the churches at Tanjore
and Trichinopoly. But though they were all used by the
Europeans in their service, and were occasionally repaired at
the Government expense, they handed them all over to the
S.P.C.K. Mission for their pastoral and missionary purposes.
They did not want them. They gave a liberal donation to the
jjuilding fund of the North Black Town Church at the begimaing
of the nineteenth century, but they made no claim to o^vner-
ship. They regarded the building as held in trust by the
Vestry of St. Mary's, Fort St. George, in the same way as St.
Mary's itself was held.

In 1807 they were ordered to baild Churches in several
military stations. The Judges of the Supreme Court had
declared that Vestries in India were not qualified to hold
property. Some who were troubled by the decision moved the
Government to create a trust or a series of trusts by enactment.
The Directors to whom the question was referred replied that
the Government itself was by Charter qualified to act as trustee
of every kind of property. Bishop ]\Iiddleton was anxious
that all the new Church buildings should be put into a special
trust in the same kind of way as St. George's. But he was told

THE BUILDING OF CHURCHES 61

that this was quite unnecessary, and that the Government
would be the trustees in every case. As to the buildings erected
entirely at the expense of Government or purchased by them,
there was never any question as to their being the property
of the Government. It is true that the proprietary rights were
limited by the Acts of Consecration. Still the Government
were the founders and the patrons, and had all the rights and
duties which belong by British law to such persons.

But as to buildings erected partly at the expense of
Government and partly at the expense of others, the ownership
did not appear to be so clear, especially if the others were not
inclined to part with their rights. Consecration had the legal
effect of preserving the rights of private builders and subscribers ;
for it prevented the use of the Church in a way they would not
have approved. It was more of a happy thought than a
deliberate act of poHcy that Archdeacon Eobinson drew up the
Kules of 1829 which made the Chaplain and two senior officers
a Board of Trustees, a committee of management ; placed them
hi charge of the Church, burial-ground, school and parish
funds ; and made them responsible for the care of the whole of
the local Church property. The Eules, which evaded the
question of ownership, were promulgated with the consent and
the approbation of the Madras Government, and were welcomed
by those who were jealous of their rights as an appropriate
compromise. These rules postponed the question of ownership
for a generation. For twenty years the Court of Directors
looked upon the local Government, and the local Government
regarded themselves, as ' in charge ' of the Church buildings
generally, and holding them in trust for the purposes for which
they were built and consecrated. The question of property
was, however, bound to arise at some time ; for some of the
Churches built were only slightly assisted by the Government,
and some were built without such assistance. It arose in 1849.
The civil and military residents at Waltair had built themselves
a Church in 1838 without the assistance of the Government.
In 1849 they asked the Government to carry out certain repairs.
The Government assented, and took the opportunity of asking
the Directors ^ if the Church ' should be brought on the list of

' Letter, May 8, 1849, 5-8, Eccl.

62 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Churches to be repaired by the Government,' according to the
recommendation of the MiHtary Board. The Government
evaded the question of ownership, and the Directors did the
same thmg m then' reply ; they said : ^

' We are of opinion that subject to the consideration of the
particular circumstances of each case. Churches built by sub-
scription either at stations where there are Chaplains resident,
or at out-stations periodically visited by them, may very
properly be taken under your charge, and repaired at the
public expense.'

This meant that they should be regarded as in the same
position as other station Churches for Europeans ; that is,
that they should be held in trust and protected, and placed
under the Rules relating to Lay Trustees.

The question again arose in 1851. The residents in Mercara
raised over Rs.6000 for the erection of a Church and asked the
Government to contribute Rs.2000, The Bishop also asked
that the Church when complete might be vested in himself
and the Archdeacon ' in trust for the use of the Church of
England.' The Government referred ^ this question to the
Court of Directors, who replied as follows : ^

' We are not prepared without further information to
consent to the transfer of the Church when completed (as
requested). As at present informed we think that the property
in all Churches built either wholly or in part at the public
expense should be vested in the Government, the Church
being maintained and repaired at the expense of the Govern-
ment. As uniformity of practice, however, is desirable on this
point we direct that a reference be made to the Government of
Bengal for the purpose of ascertaining the forms observed in
the Diocese of Calcutta previously to the consecration of
Churches ; and that if the practice there be found conformable
to the views we have expressed above, you at once adopt that
practice as the rule hi the case of Churches built with the aid
of your Government.'

1 Despatch, July 30, 1851, 15, Eccl.

« Letter, June 26, 1851, Eccl.

•> Despatch, Feb. 18, 1852, 2, Ecol.

THE BUILDING OF CHURCHES 63

Eeference was accordingly made to the Government of
Bengal, and the reply was sent ^ to the Du'ectors. The answer
of the Court was this : "

' In accordance with the practice prevailing in Bengal the
Churches built within the Madras Presidency either wholly
or in part at the Government expense will remain vested in
the Government, whose consent will be apphed for previously
to the performance of the act of Consecration.'

The word ' remain ' left the question unsettled as to future
buildings ; but nothing further was done in the matter during
the rule of the Hon. East India Company, because the great
majority of Europeans and Eurasians for whom the Churches
were built were satisfied that the Government, in whom they
had implicit confidence, were the most trustworthy of all
possible trustees.

Of the twenty-three Churches and Chapels built between
1805 and 1835, eighteen were consecrated with the permission
and co-operation of the founders and builders. The exceptions
were : (I) the Fort Chapel, Bangalore, which is a small tiled
building, originally erected for what was regarded as a tempo-
rary need only ; (2) the Cannanore Chapel, which was in the list
of those to be consecrated in 1813 by commission from the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, but which was for some unknown reason
afterwards forgotten ; (3) the Tripassore Chapel, which was
erected for the use of the Company's Veteran Battalion then
stationed there ; soon afterwards the battalion was moved
elsewhere for sanitary reasons and the station deserted ; (4) the
C.M.S. Chapel, Black Town, and (5) the C.M.S. Chapel, John
Pereiras, both in Madras. The Church Missionary Society
retains its hold as absolute owner upon its missionary chapels.
There is no reason to suppose that the Society does this with
the intention of using them in some way the Bishop would not
approve. The act of consecration is omitted through a mis-
apprehension of its meaning and effect. The secretary of the
Madras Corresponding Committee of the C.M.S. gave this
explanation : ' They are not consecrated because the native

1 Letter, August 10, 1852, 8-10, Eccl.
- Despatch, August 31, 1853, 10, Eccl.

64 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Church has an interest m them, and it is not desirable to make
them the property of a foreign corporation, the Church of
England m India.'

Since a similar misapprehension existed in the imaginations
of the Scotch Presbyterians, who laid claim to the use of the
consecrated Churches in Lidia in 1897-1902, it may be well to
explain what their consecration means. The Presbyterians
asserted that the Churches by the act of consecration were
filched by the Church of England from the Government. This
assertion means that the property in the buildings was trans-
ferred by stealth from one body to another body.

In the lii'st place the Church of England is not a corporate
body, and is not capable therefore of holding property. Then
consecration is not an act of transfer. It is and always has
been from the earliest times m the history of religions a solemn
setting aside for religious purposes. Persons, places, things, and
buildings can be thus set aside. With regard to persons, they
whose lives are consecrated to religious use are ' not their own ' ;
they are ' bought with a price ' ; and they are required to hold
their lives in trust for the purpose for which they are conse-
crated. With regard to places, things, and buildings consecra-
tion has a similar effect, for it limits the powers of ownership.
Consecrated articles cease to be private property ; they are held
in trust for a purpose. Before the act of consecration the
person or persons or representative persons who provide the
funds can legitimately exercise all the rights of ownership.
After the act they cannot. They can neither make alterations
nor additions, nor keep the key of the building, nor lend the
building to whom they please, nor make arrangements for the
conduct of services in it. After consecration their absolute
ownership and their power over the building is at an end.
Henceforth the building is held in trust for the purposes for
which it was set aside.

In England the trustees are the Patron, the Diocesan, and
the parochial authorities together. They have certain legal
relationships and methods of action. They may not proceed
to alter, demolish, add or re-arrange independently of one
another. Each set of trustees must be consulted before any
change of the permanent structure is made ; and this because

THE BUILDING OF CHURCHES 65

every change affects the rights of those by whom and for whom
the trust is held. The power of the trustees over the building
is not absolute because their ownership is not absolute. For
his own protection against any autocratic action on the part
of the Bishop or the Patron, the building is the freehold of the
Parson, but he holds it as a freeholder, not as a lord, and is
subject to the customs of tenancy. The wardens are the
officers of the Bishop and are admitted to office by his authority ;
but they are nominated to office by the Parson and the people.
The Bishop is the Judge in all disputes between the Patron,
the Parson, and the people concerning the building, its furniture,
its services, and its funds ; but he is to hear and determine all
questions in open Court in a lawful and regular way. Conse-
cration creates a trust m which all the parties concerned have
to subordinate their individual will to the purpose for which
the trust is held. The Patron nominates the Minister and the
Bishop appoints him ; but both are limited in their choice to
such as have been ordained Priest in the prescribed way. The
Minister conducts the services, but he is not at liberty to conduct
any kind of service except the prescribed service without the
consent of the Bishop. The Wardens keep the building and its
furniture in proper repair, but they are not allowed to carry out
repairs and alterations without the consent of the Bishop and
the Parson.

In this way the buildings and their contents are held in
trust for the community, and the rights of the people are
guarded from any autocratic action on the part of any one
trustee by the necessity of obtaining the consent and co-opera-
tion of the others before he can act.

In India consecration means nothing more than this. There
is no transfer of property, but only the insurance of its use for
its consecrated purpose. When Bishops were consecrated and
sent out to India, their jurisdiction and ecclesiastical rights were
secured to them in the Royal Letters Patent constitutmg their
appointment. Thus : i

' We command and by these presents for Us, Our heirs and
successors, do strictly enjoin as well the Court of Directors of the

1 Letters Patent, May 2, 54 Geo. Ill, and June 13, 5 Will. VI.
VOL. II. p

66 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

said United Company, and their Governors, Officers and
Servants, as all and singular our Governors, Judges and Jus-
tices, and all and singular Chaplains, Ministers, and other
Our subjects within the parts aforesaid, that they and every
one of them he in and by all lawful ways and means aiding and
assisting to the said Bishop and Archdeacons and his and their
successors in the execution of the premises in all things.'

The premises mentioned are the early paragraphs of the
Acts m which the sees of Calcutta and Madras were constituted,
and then limits defined, and in which it is decreed that the
Bishops shall be appointed to exercise the episcopal office
within those limits, and to perform the various duties belonging
to their office.

It is partly the duty of a Bishop to control the use and
prevent the abuse of the Church buildings and burial-grounds
which by consecration are set apart. In the performance of
this duty he is associated with others in a trust. In India he
is generally associated with the local Government and the
ecclesiastical officials appointed by it.

The Lay Trustees created by the Madras Government in
1829 on the recommendation of Archdeacon Robinson corre-
spond in many respects with Churchwardens in England. The
important difference is that they are both the nominees of the
Chaplain and they are both communicants. In seeking trustees
with a view to submitting their names to Government
through the Bishop, the Chaplain must approach the highest
civil or military officers in the station first ; if they are unwilluig
or unable to serve he must approach those next in rank, till
he finds persons both willing and qualified. Their duties are
regulated from time to time by the Government in consultation
with the Bishop. The importance of their position consists
in the fact that, havmg been nominated by the Chaplain, recom-
mended by the Bishop, and appointed by the Government
by means of a notification in the Gazette, they are officially
associated with all three parties in the trusteeship of the
property. In India, therefore, the three sets of trustees are the
Government, the Bishop, and the local Church Committee
(the Chaplain and Lay Trustees). The Government does not
alter, improve, or even repair the building, except on the

THE BUILDING OF CHURCHES 67

representation of the local trustees through the Bishop. The
local trustees can make no change without the consent of the
Bishop and the Government. The Bishop cannot decree
changes and alterations without the consent of his co-trustees.
Thus in India the rights of Church people are guarded from any-
autocratic action on the part of any one trustee by the necessity
of his obtaining the consent and co-operation of the rest.

The value of consecration appears in the rigid guardianship
of all rights and duties. Long may it continue ; but in order
that it may do so, all parties must clearly understand its far-
reaching value.

F 2

CHAPTEE IV

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815

St. Mark's, Bangalore. — The cantonment and the site of the Church. The cost.
Its consecration and that of t\\o burial-grounds. The earl}' Chaplains and
the Mission. The Fort burial-ground. Tablets in the Church. The fu'st
organ and the gallery. The first scheme of enlargement, 1833. The sugges-
tion of a second Church, 1837. The second scheme of enlargement, 1840.
Second Church sanctioned, 1844. Pensioners' Chapel at Mootoocherry
(now St. John's Hill). Third scheme of enlai'gement. 1859. Fourth scheme
of enlargement, 1895. Tlie Churchyard wall and well. Allotment of seats.
The benches. Education. Soldiers' Reading-room, Mootoocherry. Pen-
sioners' Reading-room at Richmond To^^'n. The ^vork of the Chaplains.
The furniture.

Holy Trinity, Bellary. — History of the Fort. The Church. The early Chap-
lains. The Orphanage. Enlargement of the Church. Its consecration.
The new barracks and Dr. Powell's new Church. Its collapse. Christ
Church, Bellary. The local mission. Fort Church furniture. Some of
the Chaplains. Monuments in Church and cemeterj*.

St. George's, Choultry Plain (now the Cathedral). — History. Its building and
its cost. The design. Its consecration. The trust deeds. The allotment
of seats. The clock presented by the Directors. The burial-ground. The
furniture. The 18G5 alterations. The organ and the organists. The
inner roof. Memorial gifts. The Archdeacon made joint Chaplain, 1854.
Some Chaplains. Memorials of the dead.

St. Mark's, Bangalore. — After the capture of Seringapatam
and the destruction of the power of Tippoo Sultan, a consider-
able force was left in the State of Mysore to overawe the
country. At first the headquarters of the force were at
Seringapatam itself, and there were detachments at Bangalore,
Nundidroog, Eayapott, Mysore, and some other forts in the
country. The whole province is a tableland about 3000 feet
above the level of the sea. It was anticipated that every fort
would be a health station for the British troops of the Madras
army. But in this hope the authorities were disappointed.
Seringapatam itself soon proved to be a most unheal th}^ station ;

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 69

the detached forts hero and there were httle better ; so that it
became necessary for the mihtary authorities to choose a new
sjjot for a camp, supply it with drains and sanitary apphances,
and build barracks such as the troops could live in without
danger to their bodily health.

They pitched upon an undulating piece of ground about
one mile from the Fort of Bangalore. Lieutenant John
Blakiston of the Madras Engineers prepared the plans of the
new cantonment ; and when they were approved, he set to work
and completed in less than a year barracks for two regiments
of Europeans, five regiments of native infantry and artillery,
besides hospitals, magazines, and other requirements. He was
at Bangalore from 1806 to 1809 ; and ho had the satisfaction of
seeing the cantonment grow into tho first military station on
the Madras Establishment. ^

Bangalore was included in the list of places where the
Commander-in-Chief recommended the erection of a place of
worship in 1807. The site was probably fixed upon soon after
the recommendation was made ; for the grave of Major Joseph
Dickson, who died in 1808, was made in such a position on the
site itself as to be just outside the building that was to be
erected. The same kind of delay took place in the building of
the Church as at Cannanore, Trichinopoly, and other stations.
It was not commenced until two years after Blakiston had left
Bangalore. He tells us in his memoirs that before he left
India in 1813 he had the satisfaction of displaying his * archi-
tectural talents in the erection of a Church or two.' ~ This was
probably one of them. At the beginning of 1811 the General,
in a letter to Government,^ expressed his opinion that the Church
ought to be built. It was thereupon sanctioned and proceeded
with without waiting for further orders from the Directors.

In choosing the site, allowance had to be made for the fact
that the Church was intended for the troops in the Fort as well
as for those in the new barracks. A place was therefore pitched
upon midway between the Fort and the furthest barrack in the
cantonment, and about a mile from each. When the building

^ Vibart's History of the Madras Engineers, i. 429; Blakiston's Twelve
Years, dhc, i. 315. - Blakiston's Twelve Years, dhc, i. 279.

'^ Letter, March 15, 1811, 93S-41, Mil.

70 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

was opened for service in 1812 it was a strong but exceedingly
plain structure, according to the intention and order of the
Government. It measured 110 X 53 X 20 feet ^ and could
accommodate about 450 men. To make this accommodation
possible the font was placed in the west verandah, and the
pulpit b}^ the side of the altar rails against the east wall of the
nave. According to the 1852 Return the cost of the building
was Es. 30,349. As in other cases, this probably mcluded the
total cost of building, repairs, and alterations up to the date of
the inquiry ; for the original sanctioned estimate was 5000
pagodas or Es.20,000.

When Bishop Turner of Calcutta visited the station in 1830
he consecrated the building and two burial-grounds, one at the
Bangalore Fort and the other in the cantonment.

At the beginning of the century the troops at Seringapatam
had two Chaplains with them. Both were appointed by the
Government of Madras, but neither of them was in the Hon.
Company's service. The Rev. A. T. Clarke ministered at
Seringapatam from 1799 to 1805, when he died ; ^ and the Rev.
I. G. Holtzbcrg, of the S.P.C.K. Mission, ministered to the men
of the de Meuron Regiment.'^ There was no Chaplain in the
Mysore command from 1805 to 1809, when the Rev. John
Dunsterville was sent to Bangalore. He was succeeded in
1811 by the Rev. William Thomas, who remained in the station
till 1820. Thomas saw the building and the opening of the
Church. Ho originated and established the local mission ;
for fifty years this was managed by the Chaplains in the station
by means of local subscriptions, but in 1872 the work had
grown beyond them, and it was taken over by the S.P.G.

Of the other Chaplains during the nineteenth century,
they who exercised most influence in the station, perhaps
because of their long tenures, were :

Years.

William Malkin .... 1820-31

George Trevor 1838-45

W. W. Lutyens .... 1840-54

S. T. Pettigrew .... 1865-72

' Official Return dated 1852 ; but the accuracy of the length is doubtful.
- See The Church in Madras, i. 686.
'■' Letter, Feb. 12, 1800, 23^-40, Mil.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 71

All the Chaplains were enthusiastic educationists and
established schools at various centres in the cantonment for
European and Eurasian children, Trevor and Pettigrevvr had
the missionary spirit ; the former built the mission chapel of
St. Paul, the latter enlarged it ; both of them greatly streng-
thened the mission by their encouragement. Irevor tried
hard for the enlargement of the Church. Lutyens saw the
building of Holy Trinity and St. John's. Pettigrew established
the Bishop Cotton Schools and built All Saints'. Others not
mentioned, such as J. Morant (1845-49), G. Knox i (1849-54),
were not far behind them in their missionary, pastoral and
educational zeal.

The Fort burial-ground at Bangalore dates from 1791, the
first year of the first Mysore war. It contained memorial stones
and monuments of the officers and men who fell at the storming
of the town and fort in that year. They were mentioned in
Eobert Home's ' Select Views of Mysore ' (1794), but no longer
exist. In their place there is a cenotaph, erected by the Mysore
Government, recording the names, &c., of all the officers who
fell in that war.- The oldest monument in the cemetery is
dated 1807. The old cantonment cemetery was laid out with
the rest of the cantonment. The date of the oldest monument
is 1809. It is not known exactly when the ground was first
used. There were no register books at Bangalore before the
Church was built. As soon as it was ready they were
suppHed, and a correct record of all burials has been kept
from 1812.

There have been no burials inside the Church, and there is
only one monument inside it of general interest, that to the
memory of Lieut.-Colonel Sir Walter Scott of the 15th Hussars,
who was the son and heir of the first baronet, the great novehst.
He died at sea on his voyage home in 1847.

The old cemetery, which contains the mortal remains of
many a distinguished and gallant soldier, was closed for burials
in 1868, and a new cemetery was opened farther away from the
barracks.

The Eev. Joseph Wright arrived from Trichinopoly in 1831,

1 The father of the present Bishop of Manchester.
- J. J. Cotton's Inscriptions, p. 378.

72 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

and at once began to raise money to purchase an organ. In
this he was successful. He and the Lay Trustees then asked
the Government to request the Directors to allow the instrument
to be sent out freight free,i and the request was granted.^
The organ was placed m the west gallery ; there is no record
to show that the Government erected the gallery ; it was
probably erected by the military engineer and paid for by the
congregation.

It was at about this time, soon after the visit of Bishop
Turner, that the first application for the enlargement of the
Church was made. At the same time it was proposed to build
a belfry. The joint cost of the belfiy and the enlargement would
have exceeded Rs. 10,000. The Government were not inclined
to incur the expense, and the question dropped.

In May 1836 the Church Committee suggested the building
of another Church on a site chosen by Bishop Come of Madras,
at the east end of the parade ground, near the cavalry ban-acks.^
Six months later the Chaplain, Vincent Shortland, wrote to
the Bishop making a similar suggestion, and adding that St.
Mark's might be used as a Chapel of Ease.

At the beginning of 1837 the Church Committee wTote
to the Archdeacon urging the necessity of another Church.
They laid stress on the distance of St. Mark's from the cavalry
barracks, mentioning the reason why the site was chosen ;
they pointed out the unsuitableness of barrack rooms for divine
service ; and they pressed the erection of a new Church on the
site chosen by Bishop Corrie.

These appeals were without effect, and the question re-
mained in abeyance till 1840.

Meanwhile the Eev. George Trevor had come to the station,
and was shocked to see the font in the west verandah, where
it had been placed to make more sitting room inside the
building. This arrangement he was instrumental in getting
altered.*

In March 1840 the Church Committee addressed the

1 Letter, Feb. 15, 1833, Eccl.

■ Despatch, July 3 and Dec. 4, 1833, 11, Eccl,

•'' Now the infantry barracks.

•* St. Mark's Records, Correspondence Book, 1838.

ST. MARKS, BANGALORE.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 73

Government again. They mentioned the three previous
proposals :

(1) to enlarge the Church ;

(2) to demolish it and build a new one near the cavalry

barracks, using the old materials ;

(3) to leave the old Church as a Chapel of Ease and to build

a new one ;
and they made a new proposal, namely, to leave St. Mark's
as it was, and to enlarge the Soldiers' Eeading-room at the
east end of the parade ground, so that it might be used for
divine ser-vice on Sundays instead of the barrack rooms. ^

The Government asked the Directors to sanction No. 1
scheme, the enlargement of the Church to seat 1000 persons
at the cost of Es.l3,312.~ This they did.3 But there was a
necessity at this time to build new barracks for the cavalry
and artillery. The Government wrote to the Directors on this
necessity,* and the Directors suggested that the chief engineer,
Colonel D. Sim, should be deputed to Bangalore to report on
the real needs of the garrison. '^

Opinions were divided at Bangalore ; the Rev. George
Trevor still wanted another Church as well as the enlarge-
ment of St. Mark's. The Government were equally of two
minds as to what ought to be done. Colonel Sim reported the
necessity of new barracks and a new Charch, and the advisa-
bility of leaving St. Mark's as it was. The Government was
satisfied with his report and recommended its adoption. The
Directors accordingly sanctioned the building of a second
Church.*^

The congregation took a practical interest in the question
of enlargement. In 1837 the Eev. J. Wright collected from
the civil and military officers of the station about 800 rupees
to assist to carry out the project. This he paid to the Treasurer
of the Diocesan Church Building Fund. It passed from Trea-
surer to Treasurer until in 1849 it was repaid with its interest

' St. Mark's Letters, Correspondence Book, 1840.

2 Letters, Nov. 13 and Dec. 18, 1840, 2, Eccl.

=* Despatch, July 2, 1841, 30, Eccl.

* Letter, July 8, 1842, 31, Mil. '^ Despatch, Jan. 25. 1843, Mil.

« Despatch, r)ec. 4, 1844, 11, 12, Mil.

74 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

to the Church Committee of St. Mark's. It then amounted to
Rs.ll69. Tlie Church Committee resolved to divide the sum
between the Committee of the new Church (Holy Trinity) and
the Committee of the old ; so that it might be spent in Bangalore
as nearly as possible in accordance with the original intention.
In 1850 half the money was spent in the enlargement of
the Pensioners' chapel at Mootoocherry, a small building in
existence before the erection of St. John's. ^

By the year 1848 the necessity of the enlargement of St.
Mark's again came to the fore, and plans and estimates were
prepared ; but the Government would not consider the question
till the new Church was finished and in use."

The question rested till 1859, when the Rev, J. Gorton was
Chaplain. Then he and the Lay Trustees proposed to remove
the pillars, raise the walls 5 feet, buttress them, lengthen the
nave 35 feet, build two transepts 35 X 24 feet, cover with
a trussed roof, add a chancel 47 X 24 feet, point the arches of
the openings north and south to make the building look more
ecclesiastical, and to add a bell tower 90 feet high. This
alteration would have given accommodation for 700 persons.
This plan was sanctioned, commenced and suddenly stopped in
1863.

As there appeared to be no likelihood of the Church being
enlarged, the next Chaplain, the Eev. S. T. Pettigrew, applied
for extensive repairs. The Government granted a sum of
Rs.l413 and Mr. Pettigrew raised locally another Rs.lOOO.
The old organ was displaced by a reed harmonium, and the
furniture was greatly improved.

In the year 1895 another vigorous effort was made to
enlarge and especially to heighten the Church. Chiefly owing
to the representations of two successive and eminent residents,
Sir William Lee Warner and Sir William Mackworth Young,
the Government of India sanctioned the enlargement and found
the money for it. This plan included a central tower, a chancel,
transepts, and the raising of the roof throughout. It was carried
out at the beginning of the present century ; but a fatal defect
in the material of the tower caused the catastrophe of a fall,
and as the tower fell it crashed through one of the transepts

• St. Mark's Records, Dec. 1850. - Consultations, May 18, 1849.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 75

and carried ruin with it. After oflEicial inquiry and some
delay the Church was built again without the tower, and it is
now not only a commodious building but one of the most
striking erections in the station.

A wall was built round the Churchyard in 1855 and a well
sunk. This enabled successive Chaplains to lay out a garden
in the compound. But in course of time the well dried up,
and great difficulty was experienced in keeping the garden
bright with flowers.

At a very early period in the history of the Church the
Government issued orders for the appropriation of seats for the
civil and military officers and their families. Bangalore has
such a pleasant climate that it soon became a favourite place
of abode for many who had retired from the Service. They
wanted seats as well as others. The Church Committee per-
formed the duty of allotment for nearly fifty years, but never
without contention and argument. In 1860 they asked the
Government to rescind all orders allotting seats to officers except
the highest, and to make all seats free ' for the sake of peace
and quietness,' and the application was gi'anted. It seems
hardly credible, but there is no doubt that for the first thirty
years the soldiers' seats had no backs. In 1847 complaint
was made to the Archdeacon that there were still no backs
to the seats in the side aisles. He addressed the Government,
and in 1853 they were supplied. If it was the case at other
garrison Churches besides Bangalore, it is not to be wondered
at that so many commanding officers complamed of the length
of the sermons.i At the same time it would have been better
to have complained of the backless benches to the Commander-
in-Chief.

One after another the Chaplains of St. Mark's busied them-
selves over the education of the European and Eurasian children
of the station. A large number of pensioned soldiers had
settled at Mootoocherry " by 1837. The Kev. Vincent Short-
land and the Eev. George Trevor between them raised money
in the station and built schools for their children. They were
known as the Cantonment schools. In this venture they were

1 See Madras Consvltaiions, Nov. 1, 1853.
- Now in the St. John's district.

76 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

liberally helped by the Mysore Government. The GMs'
school was closed when St. John's Church was built in 1852,
but the Boys' school was continued till 1867, when the St.
John's schools on the one side and the Bishop Cotton schools
on the other made their existence no longer necessary. An
attempt was made to keep the Cantonment Boys' school alive
without a grant as a St. Mark's school ; but it was manifestly
not required, and was closed at the end of 1871.

Li 1853 the Eev. Robert Posnett raised money and built
a reading-room for the Eurasian bandsmen and drummers of the
native corps. It was midway between the lines of the two
infantry regiments at Mootoocherry. Services were held in
the building on Sundays, at which there was an attendance
of over 100 persons. The presence of so many children induced
him to raise more money and to build a schoolroom near by
for them. They were too poor to pay the necessary fees at the
Cantonment schools. In these ventures he was generously
assisted by the Madras i and Mysore Governments as well as by
the officers of the station, Posnett called it a Poor School.
Pettigrew used a name for it in 1864 which was used without
offence at the time in England for similar schools, and un-
intentionally killed it. He called it a Ragged School. How-
ever, within a short time he and Dr. ]\Iurphy of Holy Trinity
were instrumental in building and opening the Cantonment
Orphanage, and he crowned the efforts of all former Chaplains
by establishing the Bishop Cotton schools in 1867.

Major A. K. Clark Kennedy, a Lay Trustee of St. Mark's,
built a reading-room in Richmond Town for the use of the
pensioners in 1862. By deed he made it the trust property
of the Chaplain of St. ]\Iark's and the Brigade Major. In
1894 the old pensioners had died off, and under the new con-
ditions of military service there were none to take their places.
The reading-room was deserted, and was used by the Bangalore
Rifle Volunteers as an armoury. However, the trustees heard
of its history, and after some hesitation as to what use it could
be put to most in accordance with the terms of the trust, they
placed it at the disposal of the Incumbent and Churchwardens

' Letter, Sept. 8, 1854, 26-29, Public; Despatch, Sept. 26, 1855, 13,
Public.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 77

of All Saints' for parochial use. They could not divest them-
selves of their trust. They did their best to fulfil it.^

From 1811 to 1827 the work of the Chaplain of St. Mark's
was almost entirely military. The gradual immigration of a
civilian population increased the work beyond the powers of
one priest, and a second Chaplain was appointed in 1827 to
assist him. This arrangement of joint Chaplains continued
till Holy Trinity was ready for use in 1851. Even with two
the work of the Chaplaincy was very great. In 1840 there were
two parade services on Sundays and two voluntary services.
There were two regimental schools, two burial-grounds, five
hospitals, and five out-stations which had to be visited once
a quarter.^ One of the Chaplains was thus absent from Banga-
lore on twenty Sundays in each year, and the other was left to
do the whole Sunday work of the station single-handed. In
1843 the Rev. G. Trevor declined on the ground of physical
inability to conduct two parade services on Sunday mornings.
Bishop Spencer refused to order him to conduct them, for he
was only legally bound to conduct one. This incident led to a
measure of relief in the appointment of an extra clergyman to
do the work of the Fort and of St. John's Hill.

Even with the relief given by the building of Trinity, St.
John's, and All Saints', the work of the St. Mark's Chaplain
continued to grow, because of the increase of the civil commun-
ity and the necessary establishment of schools. At the end
of the century relief was just as much required as it had been
between 1840 and 1850.

Unlike other Churches in the Diocese old St. Mark's was
singularly free of adornments dedicated by worshippers as
memorials or otherwise. The building was so plain it did not
seem to invite handsome gifts. There was no stone font before
1844. Up to that time the font was a cheap one of brick and
plaster. An east window of stained glass was put in in 1854,
but it only cost Rs.lOO. The Rev. J. B. Trend adorned the
sanctuary between 1882 and 1887 with altar ornaments and

' The room might with great propriety be called the Clark Kennedy Room,
after its founder ; he did many a kind act for the domiciled Europeans and
Eurasians of Bangalore during his service.

- French Rocks, Mysore ; Hunsur ; Hosur ; Ryacottah ; and Tumkur.

78 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

a set of frontals worked by his accomplished wife, and a
Eurasian member of the congregation generously gave the
hanging lamps which cost him Rs.500. Ten years later a
handsome carved teak-wood reredos was erected. It was
Gothic in design, and was the one redeeming feature of the whole
building. At the same time money was raised for a new
pipe organ, and a very good instrument was obtained for about
Rs. 4000.1 But, generally speaking the whole furniture of the
Church was of a poor quality. When the Church was enlarged
it was refurnished ; the handsome Gothic reredos was con-
sidered too out of place architecturally to be re-erected, but
the frontals, one of which was beautifully worked by Miss
Dawson in 1895, were retained.

Holy Trinity, Bellary. — The Districts of Bellary and Cudda-
pah formed part of the dominions of Tippoo Sahib, the ruler of
Mysore. When his rule came to an end in 1799 they became
the property of the Nizam of Hyderabad. Money was owing
by this ruler to the East India Company for the loan of British
troops, and the debt was paid by the cession of the two districts
to the Company in 1800. They were known for a long while
as the Ceded Districts, and are still occasionally called by that
name. As soon as the cession took place a brigade of British
and native troops was sent to Bellary Fort, so that troops have
been quartered in and around the Fort for more than one
hundred years. In the district there are several walled towns
and fortified hills. They remain silent witnesses of the troubled
times before the days of Britioh rule.

The Fort is by nature and art composed of two portions,
known as the Upper and the Lower Fort. The British troops
were stationed in the latter. Here were built their barracks,
arsenal, stores, magazines, and Church. The cemetery was
outside the walls and not far from them in a north-easterly
direction.

Bellary was one of the places indicated by General Hay Mac-
Dowall in 1807 where a chapel ought to be built. It was
sanctioned by the Directors ; "^ but the same kind of delay took

' The subscription was commenced in 1891 by the Rev. A. A. Williams, the
Chaplain (now Bishop of Tinnevelly).
- Despatch, Jan. 11, 1809, 153, Public.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 79

place with regard to it as took place at Cannanore, Trichinopoly,
and Bangalore. It was not commenced mitil 1811, i and then was
planned to seat only 400 persons. It was included in the list
of new Churches to be consecrated by the Rev. E. Vaughan,
when he obtained the authority of the Archbishop of Canter-
bury to perform that ceremony. When the authority arrived
the Church was not ready, and the ceremony was postponed
till the arrival of the newly consecrated Bishop of Calcutta.
The Church and the barracks in the Lower Fort were built
at the same time in the year 1811-12. Doubtless they were
designed by the same military engineer.

The first Chaplain sent to minister at Bellary was the Rev.
William Thomas. He arrived from England in 1806 and was
sent to the Ceded Districts at once. He remained nearly three
years, but there was no Church in his time. He was succeeded
in 1811 by the Rev. Thomas Wetherherd, who remained at
Bellary till 1819. During his time the Church was built.

In 1816 Archdeacon Mousley visited the station officially,
and submitted an ecclesiastical report to the Government of
Fort St. George. The Government, in commenting on the
report to the Directors, mentioned that they had paid the
expenses of the visitation. The Directors in reply refused
to sanction the expenses on the ground that Bellary was outside
the Archdeacon's jurisdiction, ' being in the Nizam's dominions.'
Events had moved too fast for the Directors ; they hardly knew
the extent of their own possessions.

There was an orphanage connected with the Church which
was founded in those early days, intended like similar schools
in other military stations for the children of British soldiers^
and especially for those who being illegitimate were not eligible
for the military asylums in Madras. The orphanage at
Bellary was near the Church in the Fort and was always in-
timately connected with it. The Chaplain was the only ex
officio member of its committee of management. He was
responsible for the religious education. The children were
marched to the Church services, and the boys sang in the choir.
The orphanage had a long and honourable history. It was
the principal charity of the station, and had been generously

» Letter, March 15, 1811, 650-52, Mil.

80 THE CHURCH IN IMADRAS

kept up by a succession of civil and military officers and other
kindly residents. ^

A building to bold 400 persons was quite inadequate to
meet the requirements of the station. The inconvenience
of overcrowding and of duplicating the parade service was
borne for twenty years. Then the Chaplain and the General
Officer Commanding represented to the Government the need
of enlargement. The Government assented and the Directors
approved, trusting that the enlargement would ' be done with
economy.' ~ But before they had received the reply of the
Directors the Government, in deference to the opinion of the
Military Board, declined to carry out the intention.^ The
inconvenience continued for three more years, at the end of
which time the Government was again appealed to. This time
the enlargement was sanctioned and carried out.+ It was done
by demolishing the east wall, building two transepts 33 feet
from east to west, and 76 feet from the north to the south wall,
adding a chancel 20 feet long by 17 feet broad, and a small
vestry on each side of it measuring 14 by 10 feet. This was
done at the cost of Rs.4937, and the accommodation of the
building was increased to 676. It was no more than was
required at the time, for the garrison had increased by the
addition of a corps of Ordnance artificers, and a considerable
civil population of European and Eurasian civilians had
sprung up since the beginning of the century.

During the first few years of the existence of the sanctioned
Churches they were protected at night by a military guard.
At some stations the night guard duty was heavier than at
others. Bellary and Bangalore were two of these, and there
were complaints. Accordingly the military guard was with-
drawn from the Churches at those two stations in 1825,^ and
lascars were appointed in their place. In the year 1834

' It is now closed.

- Letter, June 21, 1833, 3-7, Eccl. ; Despatch, May 21, 1834, 9, Eccl.

^ Despatch, July 8, 1835, No. 4, Eccl., in reply to the 1834 letter from
Madras.

" Consultations, April 11, 1837, Nos. 1 and 2, Eccl.; Letter, June 23, 1837,
3, Eccl. ; Despatch, July 10, 1839, Eccl.

• Letter, Sept. 9, 182.5, 40, Eccl. ; Despatch, Nov. 29, 1826, 24, Eccl.

CANTONMENT CHURCH, BEl-LARY.

HOLY TRINITY CHURCH, FORT, BELLARY.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 81

military guards were withdrawn from all garrison Churches,
and lascars substituted. i

In 1841 the station was visited by Bishop Spencer of Madras,
when the Rev. Dr. W. P. Powell was Chaplain, and the Church
was consecrated on November 14 with the consent and co-
operation of the Government. In the 1852 Official Return
the cost of the Church is said to have been Rs.23,435 ; this
sum evidently included the cost of enlargement and of the
periodical repairs up to that date.

Soon after the enlargement took place new barracks were
built for the British troops about a mile to the north-west of
the Upper Fort, and the men were moved from their confined
quarters in the Lower Fort to them. There was only one
disadvantage in the move. The old Church in the Fort had
to be left behind, and the men were separated from it by more
than a mile. When the Rev. Dr. Powell went to Bellary as
Chaplain in 1844, he raised money in the station to build a
small chapel near the new Royal Artillery lines. He built it
near the boundary wall of the Parsonage compound on rising
rocky ground between two higher rocks. A steep path led
up to it, and it had a steeple which could be seen against the
background of the rocks from all parts of the cantonment.
The general appearance of the building is described as very
picturesque by a lady who lived at the Parsonage from 1858
to 1863.^ The chapel was not consecrated, but he gave it the
name of Christ Church, and probably hoped that it would be
consecrated in course of time. According to the Official Return
of 1852 it was in the form of a Latin cross ; was 60 feet long
and 52 feet across the shorter arms ; accommodated about 200
persons ; cost Rs.3000, which sum was entirely raised in the
station ; and was intended for the joint use of Europeans,
Eurasians, and native Christians at times to be arranged by the
Chaplain and the missionary. Near the chapel was a small
bungalow intended for the priest in charge of the native congre-
gation. Being so close to the Artillery barracks a parade service
was held in the chapel for the men of the R.A. from the date of
the opening until about 1864. Then the inevitable happened.

1 Letter, May 27, 1834, 1, 2, Eccl.
- The daughter of the Rev. B. O'M. Deane, Chaplain.
VOL. n. u

82 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

It was a cheap building without proper foundations and without
proper thickness of walls. Warnmg cracks appeared, the build-
ing was pronoimced unsafe, and soon after it was dismantled. ^

During these years the men of the British Infantry regiments
paraded for divme service at the Fort Church ; but when Christ
Church came to an end, the necessity of havmg a building near
the new barracks was represented to the authorities, and a
plain building, large enough to accommodate about 650 men,
was soon afterwards built close to the Lifantry barracks. It
is kno^vn as the Garrison Church.- It is quite a plain building,
but from time to time soldiers of artistic taste have adorned
the walls with texts of scripture, so that it looks less plain
inside than it does outside.

From a very early period there has been a local Church
Mission maintamed by the civil and military officers of the
station and managed by the Chaplam. Most probably it was
established by the Eev. William Thomas, who afterwards
commenced the Church Mission at Bangalore. The native
Christians were and are allowed to hold their services in the
Fort Church. It is probable that Dr. Powell intended Christ
Church to be the centre of the Church Mission, more especially
as he built a bungalow near by. In the absence of documents
it is not certain what he intended ; but it seems fairly certain
that to him is due the practical scheme of endowing the Mission
by building a parsonage. The money was raised and the
house built, and an arrangement was made by which it became
the recognised quarters of the Chaplain, he paying rent to the
local Mission. Li course of time the Mission grew, like that
at Bangalore, under the fostering miluence of successive
Chaplains, till it required more time than they could give to its
superintendence.'^ It is now, like those at Bangalore and
Secunderabad, under the care and superintendence of the
S.P.G. The transfer from the local committee to the Society
took place with the approval of the Bishop m 1885.

' In the 1866 map of the Survey Department the steeple alone is shown.
The old llegister Books of Christ Chui-ch are among the records of the Fort
Church.

^ It is sometimes called Christ Church.

^ The Committee books of the Bellary Missionary Association are among
the Fort Church records. There were difficulties of administration besides growth.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 83

When the Fort Church was first built it was furnished
in much the same way as other military Churches. The Direc-
tors supphed a handsome velvet altar frontal, a set of silver
vessels, a font, pulpit, and a reading-desk ; they were also liberal
in the supply of books ; but there was no bell, no punkah,
and the commissariat benches for the soldiers had no backs.
Occasionally the Government sanctioned an expenditure which
the Directors would not have approved ; the Directors looked
upon punkahs as a luxury ; the Government with its more exact
local knowledge looked upon them as a necessity, and in more
than one really hot station they allowed the necessary expendi-
ture for them without reporting so small a matter home.

From time to time the Chaplain and Lay Trustees raised
funds in the station to improve the furniture and the general
appearance of the Church. The Eev. Henry Pope was instru-
mental in getting the Church reseated in 1876. The Eev.
A. A. Williams raised money for a new reed organ in 1886, and
in the followmg year placed a Victoria Jubilee memorial
window in the sanctuary and tiled the chancel floor, at a total
cost of about Es.3500, given for those purposes in the
station. Beside these things some private gifts adorn the
Church, and remind worshippers of some of their predecessors
who loved the House of God and tried to beautify it. Colonel
Laughton presented the lectern as a thankoffering ; Colonel
Henry Smalley, E.E., presented the Litany stool ; Mrs. Matthew
Abraham the lamps and candelabra in 1880 ; Major and Mrs.
Temple Cole the sanctuary carpets in 1890 ; and Mrs. D.
Abraham the altar cross in 1892.

Of the Chaplains stationed at Bellary these are they who
probably exerted most influence on the place :

Years.

Thomas Wetherherd . . .1810-19

Edward Eichard Otter
William P. Powell
James Morant .
B. O'M. Deane.
Walter Wace .
A. A. Williams.

1836-41
1844-46

1850-58

1858-64
1877-84
1884-87

Wetherherd saw the building and furnishing of the Fort Church.

G 2

84 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Otter saw its enlargement and refurnishing. Powell built
Christ Church and put the local Mission on a secure financial
footing. Wace and Williams saw the adornment of the Churches
by raising funds for the purpose and encouraging gifts. And
there are other names, such as Harper and Shortland, which
are not likely to be forgotten in connection with any of the
chaplamcies which they served.

The old Fort cemetery contains the remains of some men
with historic names. Here hes Hector Shaw, who died in 1808 ;
he was the first revenue officer of the Company in the district.
Here also rest the remains of the engmeer who built the Fort
Church, Lieut. C. E. Trapaud of the Madras Engineers. He was
a son of Major- General Elisha Trapaud of the same corps, and
Chief Engineer to the Madras Government. Here also lie
Charles Douglas Babmgton, who was killed in the Coorg War,
1834 ; Colonel D. A. Fenning, who died in 1852 ; Mr. Ralph
Horsley of the Civil Service, who was murdered by robbers in
his bungalow in 1856. There is a tablet to his memory at the
Cathedral.

In the sanctuary of the Fort Church there is a tablet
recording the death of the Rev. E. R. Otter, Chaplain, in 1841,
who died of cholera when on a pastoral visit to Hurryhur.
There is also a brass tablet to the memory of Colonel Henry
Smalley, R.E., who died in 1892, a zealous officer and an
equally zealous Churchman ; it was erected by some of his
many friends. The officers of the 39th Regiment who fell
during the Kurnool rebellion of 1839 are also recorded ; and one
officer. Major Alexander Robert Dallas, of the 1st M.N. I.,
who was Adjutant-General of the Saugor Field Force in 1858,
is commemorated on the walls of the same Church. He was
stationed at Bellary when he was selected for the important
appointment he held at his death.

St, George's, Choultry Plaiii. — The European officials and
merchants of Madras began to build themselves houses outside
the walled Fort and the walled town soon after the conclusion
of peace in 1763. The position of the houses was between the
Fort and the Choultry Plain, where a considerable number of
troops were encamped. The pohtical condition of affairs in
the south up to the end of the century was such that they who

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 85

lived in these garden houses must have been always conscious
of the insecurity of being beyond the protection of the Fort
guns. They had several scares ; ^ the last one was in 1791 when
the cavalry of Tippoo of Mysore appeared in their vicinity .2
The conquest of Mysore gave the same security to dwellers in
Madras as it did to dwellers in other parts of the Carnatic.
Garden houses of various sizes at once increased in number in
the different suburbs south and south-west of the Port, and the
Europeans spread themselves out to enjoy the space and
fresh air to which they had long been strangers. Some of the
new residential districts were three and four miles from the
Fort. Naturally the attendance at St. Mary's on Sundays
began to decrease. Dr. Kerr made this a subject of complaint
to the Governor. The Governor recognised the fact and
sympathised. It came to the ears of the Directors, and they
wrote somewhat severely on the neglect of public worship, as
reported to them.^ But none of them traced the neglect to the
right cause, namely, the want of a Church building in the
neighbourhood where the people lived.

The subject was discussed locally as early as 1807 and
perhaps earlier. When Dr. Kerr wrote his report to the
Governor on the ecclesiastical needs of the Presidency (July 23,
1807) recommending an increase of Chaplains, he noted
the places where they would be required, and allotted
two civil Chaplains for a Church ' to be built on Choultry
Plain.' The Directors made no reply to this suggestion,
so that the burden of building it was left to the people
themselves.

It was well understood locally that the policy of building
Churches had been adopted by the Directors in deference to
the representation of the military authorities, and because of
the urgent need of some such means of instruction and restraint
in the soldier's life. The Directors had no intention of bearing
the whole cost of building Churches for their civil servants,
though, as in the case of North Black Town, they might give
a little help. The people of Madras being left to themselves

' On the Coromandel Coast, pp. 27-30.

- T/ie Church in Madras, vol. i. p. 568. ^ Ihid. pp. 420, 683.

86 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

to devise a means of raising a large sum of money, there was of
course a delay. It took some time to remember what a pro-
fitable source of wealth the local Lottery was. Then it took
some time to settle if it would be just to all subscribers alike,
European and native, which was then almost equivalent to
Christian and heathen, to applj^ even a portion of the profits
to promote the religion of one party and not the other. This
difficulty was got over on consideration that a large portion
was allotted to the upkeep of the roads, and that the natives
profited from this expenditure far more than the Europeans.
So it was settled ; and the Government wrote to the Directors ^
that they had authorised the erection of a Church on the
Choultry Plam ; that the expense was to be defrayed out of the
Lottery Fund ; and they asked that the necessary authority
might be obtained from the Archbishop of Canterbury for its
consecration.

The Directors in theu' reply said ~ that they concurred
entirely m the propriety of affording the European residents
of Madras and its vicinity an opportunity of attending divine
worship ; and as the Church in Fort St. George was inadequate
for the accommodation of the private families as well as the
troops in garrison, they approved of the decision to build a new
Church in the manner explained. By the time this despatch
arrived at Madras the new building was nearly finished. The
completion report was submitted to the Government early in
1815,2 showing that the cost of building had been 41,709
pagodas. The cost of the site, the expense of furnishing,
including the provision of the bells and the organ, and the
commission to the architect increased the total cost of the Church
to 57,925 pagodas r*- and this was defrayed entirely from the
Lottery Fund. When the Government made their report '^
to the Directors, they took credit to themselves for the econo-
ruical spirit in which they had watched the expenditure. They
said that it was proposed by the Church Committee to incur a
further expense of 3600 pagodas for a wall and gates ; ' but

• Letter, Oct. 17, 1812, 128-30, PubUc.
' Despatch, June 3, 1814, 213, Public.
^ Consvltations, March 7, 1815, Public.
■• Letter, Jan, 25, 1816, 231, Public.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 87

we informed them we thought the charge might be avoided by
enclosing the area with a hedge.' The wall and gates came
later.

The designer of the Church was Colonel J. L. Caldwell, the
Company's senior engineer at the Presidency .i For the
excellent design he received the usual commission.'^ Captain
De Havilland, his junior, superintended the carrying out of the
design. The plan was nearly the same as that sanctioned for
the military Churches in the mofussil. The chief difference
was a tower and spire at the west end, with a vestry on each
side of it, instead of at the east end. The portico west of the
tower is of noble proportions. The spire is 139 feet high, and
is almost identical in design with that of St. Giles' in the Fields,
London. The arrangement of a small semicircular sanctuary
at the east end of the building was in accordance with the taste
and the requirements of the day. The proper place for the choir
was esteemed at that period to be the gallery at the west end.
Accordingly there was a gallery, and the new organ was placed
in a chamber under the spire.^ The body of the Church was
filled with pews which were allotted to officials and other
important residents. There were besides benches under the
gallery. The internal measurement of the body of the Church
was 101 X 54 feet, but there was only sitting accommodation
for 300 persons.

When the building was finished and furnished the Presidency
Chaplains applied to the Bishop of Calcutta for a licence to
use it. The licence was dated April 15, 1815, and was addressed
to the newly appointed Archdeacon. It arrived in time for the
Presidency Chaplains to hold divine service in the building on
April 30, 1815 ; the fact is recorded in the Archdeacon's
Act Book, but it is not stated what the nature of the service
was. At the end of 1815 Bishop Middleton arrived in Madras.
On January 8, 1816, the Church was dedicated by the trustees
with a considerable amount of official ceremony, the deed of
donation of the site being laid upon the altar ; and the Bishop

' On the Coromandel Coast, p. 31. Tlie Imperial Gazetteer is in error in
saying that it was designed by De Ha\'illand.
- Letter, Jan. 25, 1816, 231, Public.
" Now the muniment room.

88 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

consecrated the building to the service of God according to the
use of the Church of England.^

Before the act of consecration the Church Committee had
to devise a means of securing the property in trust. They had
before them the case of St. Mary's in the Fort, and they did
not want a repetition of it. For want of a trust deed the new
lawyers in Madras had decreed that St. Mary's Church had no
owner. Consequently a trust deed was prepared. The sale
of the site had been to the Church Committee ; but according
to law they were not a corporate body and could not own pro-
perty. Therefore it had to be pretended that the sale of the
site had been to the Company. The trust deed of January 6,
1816, recited that whereas the Company was seised of the land
in 1812, and did set it apart for the erection of a Church, which
is now builded and licensed ; Whereas the Bishop was ready
to consecrate it ; it is witnessed that for the sum of ten pagodas
the said Company did sell unto the said trustees the site, the
building on it called St. George's Church, together with all rights,
title-deeds, and muniments. That deed secured the property
at all events, and the first trustees were :

Edward Vaughan, Senior Presidency Chaplain.

M. Thompson, Junior Presidency Chaplain.

J. H. D. Ogilvie, Civil Service.

J. L. Caldwell, Lieut. -Colonel Madras Engineers.

D. Hill, Civil Service.

Richard Yeldham, Manager, Madras Bank.

No arrangement was made for facilitating succession ;
the lawj^ers in Madras did not apparently Imow of a simple
process by which new trustees could be substituted for those
deceased or retired. Consequently a new deed was executed
on February 9, 1821, between the Company and five new
trustees. The new indenture cited what had been done in
1816 ; mentioned that the trustees of that date were either dead
or retired ; and witnessed that in consideration of the sum of five
pagodas the said Company did sell unto the new trustees the
land, the building called St. George's Church, with all rights,
&c. This deed mentioned their successors who were to be

' Archdeacon's Act Book.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 89

appointed under the provisions hereinafter for that purpose
contained. The second set of trustees were :

William Thomas, Senior Presidency Chaplain.
Morgan Davis, Junior Presidency Chaplain.
J. H. D. Ogilvie, Madras Civil Service.
George Garrow, Madras Civil Service.
Richard Clarke, Madras Civil Service.

The succession was not kept up in a legal way in spite of this
precaution. Officials came and went, but no alteration was
made to the names in the trust deed, either by endorsement or
otherwise. The second deed was allowed to go on until 1835,
when it was endorsed as follows : ' Be it remembered that on
Dec. 11, 1835 the Hon. Company by the power vested in them
did remove [Thomas, Davis, Ogilvie, Garrow and Clarke] from
being trustees of the within mentioned indenture ; and in their
place did nominate and appoint to be trustees : '

Henry Harper, Senior Presidency Chaplain.

F. Spring, Junior Presidency Chaplain.

R. Clarke, Civil Service.

J. C. Morris, Civil Service.

W. Monteith, Lieut.-Colonel Madras Engineers.

After this there was neither a new deed, nor a new sale, nor even
a new endorsement when a vacancy occurred in the trust. In
such cases the names of the new trustees were published in the
Fort St. George Gazette.

There was very general satisfaction in Madras on the com-
pletion of the new Church. Everyone was proud of the
building, and glad of the opportunities it afforded. Even the
Madras Government mentioned to the Directors ' the great
benefit to Society in Madras from its erection,' and the Directors
expressed their pleasure.^

The allotment of official seats to the civil and military
holders of appointments soon caused a difficulty. Some
officers were married, some were not ; some were frequently
absent on inspection tours, some were absent from choice.
But whether married or single or absent on duty or from

1 Despatches, Oct. 22, 1817, 95, Eccl. ; July 28, 1824, 20, Eccl.

90 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

choice, so many seats were allotted to the holder of the office.
On bemg appealed to by the trustees the Governor in Council
suggested the throwing open of the pews with certain exceptions
to the European public on payment of rent. This course was
adopted and has been in use ever since. The Directors
approved.^

There can be no doubt that the new system was popular.
Church-going was general ; and there was such a demand for
evening services in 182G that a system of lighting had to be
introduced.-

In the year 1828 the Directors made a very handsome
present ^ to the trustees of St. George's when they sent out the
turret clock.

When the Church was completed, a small portion of ground
in the south-east corner of the large compound was put aside
for burials and enclosed with a wall. The Government com-
pleted the simple arrangement of the corner in 1832 by erecting
a gateway and constructing a belfry over it.

There is no record about the shape, design, or material of
the furniture supplied in 1814. The only thing known about
it is that it had to be renewed in 1836, which means that it
only had a life of twenty-two years. The cost of renewal was
Rs.7300, for there was very little of it that was not condemned.
The furniture of 183G lasted till 1865, that is for twenty-nine
years. On each occasion it must have been made of teak and
rattan. Both these substances are strong and lasting. There-
fore it must be concluded that there was some other reason
for the renewal than age and infirmity. Neither in 1814 nor
in 1836 had the military officers who designed the furniture
any artistic ideal to look to at home. Church furnishing as a
trade had not then come to the birth. By the year 1836 there
was a more general taste for ecclesiastical design than there
was in 1814, and by the year 1864 the taste had grown apace.
It was this change of feeling in Church matters which caused
the wholesale casting out of the old designs. The renewal
in 1865 cost nearly Rs.20,000 ; the money was given by the
congregation.

' Despatch, Sept. 5, 1827, G, Eccl. - Despatch, July 23, 1828, 8, Eccl.

■■' Despatch, March 12, 1828, Eccl.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 91

Punkahs were hung m the Church in 184G. The Church-
keeper's lodge was built in 1851. The chancel was lengthened
and rooms built on each side of it in 1864, and from time to
time the necessary repairs were executed. The cost of all
these changes and alterations came from the Lottery Fund.
Lotteries were suppressed by legislative enactment in India in
the year 1844. The draft of the Act was forwarded from Bengal
to Madras for remark. The Most Noble the Governor in
Council concurred ' entirely in the principle of the proposed
Act and in the expediency of its application to this Presidency.' ^
At the foot of this resolution was a statement showing the net
profit of the Lotteries during the past ten years and the appro-
priation of it. From this it appeared that there had been a
profit of 6f lacs of rupees. Of this 6 lacs had been appropriated
to the repair of the roads, and f lac had been ' transferred to
St. George's Church on account of advances made to the new
Church committee for that Church.' The amount transferred
was actually Rs.76,447.

The object of the 1864-65 alterations was to bring the choir
and the organ " from the west gallery to the chancel and to
demolish the gallery, which no one could sit under with comfort.
The enlarged chancel was made to end in a semicircular apse
of ten feet radius. The whole length of the chancel and apse
together was thirty-one feet. This made the new arrangement
possible.

In 1857 the trustees obtained the services of an eminent
organist in the person of Dr. Garrett, who was afterwards
Professor of Music at Cambridge ; but he only remained in
Madras about two years. It was his successor, Mr. Mayne,
who saw the organ brought from the west to the east end.
In 1887 the organ was re-erected and added to, and additional
room was made for the choir by putting it back three feet. At
this time Mr. W. D. St. Leger had held the position of organist
for ten years.

The roof is supported by Ionic columns of brick, which are
plastered with the finely polished chunam of the coast. These
divide the floor space into a nave and two aisles. The nave

1 Consultations, March 5, 1844, No. 204, Public.

- The organ obtained from Hills & Sons, London, in 1857.

92 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

has a tiled roof ; the aisles have terrace roofs of masonry.
Tlie tiled roof of the nave rendered it necessary to have a false
roof as well. Originally this was made of lath and plaster.
In 1884 it was showing signs of decay, and the trustees decided
to renew it with teak wood. This was done, and after decorat-
ing the wood with a pattern in papier-mache, the whole roof
was painted white.

Since the last re-arrangement and renewal of the furniture
in 1864, many handsome gifts, memorial and otherwise, have
been made to the Church. The first of them was the font,
an exceedingly handsome marble structure which was given
by the congregation and cost them several thousand rupees.
This was followed in 1871 by a peal of six bells, which cost
Es.8000 and was also the gift of the congregation. The
weights of these are 20, 14, 11, 9|, 8, and 7^ cwt. Soon
after the ring was completed by Mr. George Banbury of the
Madras Civil Service, who presented the two which weigh
6| and 6 cwt. When the bells were placed in position it was
found that the ringing of them put too great a strain upon the
stability of the spire. The Rev. Thomas Foulkes, a Chaplain,
heard of the difiQculty and presented the trustees with a
chiming apparatus. At about the same time the congregation
presented a pair of silver candlesticks, and Surgeon- General
Cornish, CLE., presented the handsome brass altar cross.
In 1884 Archdeacon George Warlow died at Madras. He had
many friends who were anxious to perpetuate his memory.
They presented to the Cathedral trustees a very handsome
brass lectern with a memorial inscription. At about the same
time Mr. W. S. Whiteside of the Civil Service was doing for the
Cathedral i what he had been doing for years at Chittoor, the
headquarters of his district ; namely, producing carved wood-
work articles of furniture for the Church. Carving was his
hobby. To his skill and taste are due the carving of the
Litany stool, the Bishop's throne, and the different clergy stalls.
The episcopal chair in the sanctuary was the gift of Mr. F. E.
Kneale in 1893, and was intended to be a memorial of his
brother.

' St. George's Church, Choultry Plain, became the Cathedral Church of the
Diocese in 1835 when Bishop Corrie was consecrated.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 93

From 1815 to 1855 the Archdeacon of Madras attended to
his own duties and was not attached to any Chaplaincy. There
were two Chaplains at St. George's to do the work of the Church
and the district. In 1853 Archdeacon Shortland went to the
hills on leave and took his office establishment with him. At
that time the Archdeacon was looked upon, as far as business
and correspondence were concerned, as the head of the eccle-
siastical department. It was inconvenient to have a depart-
mental head so far away from the seat of Government.^ After
reference to the Directors it was decided to fix the Archdeacon
at the Cathedral by making him one of the joint Chaplains.^
The appointment at the Cathedral was always regarded as the
most desirable of all the appointments possible, and this quite
apart from the higher pay which the Senior and Junior Presi-
dency Chaplains drew. Generally speaking all the Chaplains
who served at St. George's were the pick of the Service, but
naturally some exercised a greater influence for good than
others. Probably those who had the greatest influence before
1855 were :

Years.

Edward Vaughan . . . .1815-19
Marmaduke Thompson . . . 1815-28

Wilham Eoy 1828-31

Henry Harper ..... 1831-38

G. H. Evans 1849-51

C. D. Gibson 1852-57

After that time the Archdeacons were the men who, one
after another, exercised the widest and best spiritual influence
in Madras. The titles of Senior and Junior Presidency Chaplain
were dropped when the Archdeacon was made Joint Chaplain.
The former title would not have added to the Archdeacon's
dignity. The latter title was not an object of desire to the
Senior Chaplain who remained at the Cathedral.

From the very beginning the Archdeacons had insisted upon
the rights granted them by Letters Patent to stand aside from
parochial ministrations. In 1822 the Eev. Morgan Davis was
ill and on sick leave, and the whole duty fell upon the Eev.

' Madras only at that time.

' Despatch, Oct. 25, 1854, 22, EccL, in reply to Letter, Aug. 9, 1853.

94 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

William Thomas. He proposed to discontinue the evening
service. Archdeacon Vaughan declined to consent to this.
The Government was appealed to, and Mr. Thomas was told
that if he fomid the work of the Presidency too difdcult, some
other Chaplahi would be appointed in his place. The Directors
approved of this reply, ^ but it seems to modern folk that the
Archdeacon might have helped Mr. Thomas out of his difficulty.

From the nature of the case the Churches in the Presidency
towns of Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay contain memorials
of many eminent men. The best men of the different depart-
ments always gravitate towards the seats of Government,
whither they are called to higher offices. The Hon. East India
Company were not only good to their servants whilst they
lived, but were also just to their memory when they passed
away. There are some handsome monuments by sculptors
of eminence in St. George's Cathedral. Dr. James Anderson "
is commemorated by Chantrey ; Archdeacon Mousley by
Flaxman ; Bishop Heber by Chantrey ; Bishop Corrie by
Weekes ; Bishop Dealtry by Durham. There are besides
memorials of Eichard Yeldham, C. H. Higgenson, Parry,
Kindersley, Lushington, Chamier, Norton, Dent, Best, Elliott,
Conolly, Horsley, Clogstoun, and Grose, all of Civil Service ;
of Sir Eobert Dick, Major George Broadfoot, Colonel Drury,
Colonel Dah-ymple, and other good soldiers of the old Madras
Army ; of Bishop Gell, Bishop Caldwell, and others who
spent their lives trying to rule justly and to do their duty.

And in the adjacent burial-ground rest the remains of
equally eminent men who have no monument inside the
Church. Here lie Sir George Cooper, Sir Samuel Toller, Sir
George Elder, Sir Andrew McDowall, K.C.B., Colonel Syden-
ham Clarke, Colonel Tredway Clarke, Major John Noble, Sir
Vere Levinge, Archdeacon Warlow, Dr. Harris, and many others
whose names were formerly household words in the Southern
Presidency and beyond.-^

1 Despatch, Jan. 6, 1824, Eccl.

- On the Coast of Coromandcl, ]). 108.

'* See J. J. Cotton's Monumental Inscriptions.

CHAPTEE V

MEN AND MANNERS

Origin of slanders. Alexander Hamilton. Company's monopoly. Shaking
the pagoda tree. The honesty of British dealings. The Tanjore loans
trouble. The Carnatic loans trouble. Lord Teignmouth on the Bengal
Chaplains. Lord William Bentinck on the Madras Chaplains. The
' Evangelical ' view of human de^Dravity. Henry Martyn on himself.
J. Hough on Madras Society. R. H. Kerr on the same. General H. MacDowall
on the cause of the Vellore mutiny. Morals of officers as described in
various books. The testimony of their lives, and of the burial-ground
epitaphs. The probable explanation of MacDowalFs declaration. Madras
Society at the opening of the nineteenth century. The difficulties in out-
garrisons. Marriages with native women. The Comjjany's attempt to
supply wives from home. The position of the offspring of these native
marriages. The education of English children born in India. The influence
of English ladies in India on the side of religious practice and Church
building.

Eeligion deals largely with morals, and strives for the better-
ment of men, both as individuals and as associated commu-
nities. No ecclesiastical inquiry can be complete which does
not include a notice of the tastes, habits, customs, and occupa-
tions of the period under review. According to what has been
written during the nineteenth century it may be thought that
the less that is said about the men in the Hon. Company's
service and their manners at the beginning of the century the
better. Esteemed historians, such as Hough, Marshman, and
Kaye, have written with trenchant severity of the morals of the
European officials in India at that time, and it would seem at
first sight better to draw no further attention to what would
appear to be a shameful page in the history of British India.
But as each writer in succession is found to follow the leadership
of former writers, the student of history wishes to know if the
acceptance of the lead was justilied by the accuracy of the

96 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

early recorders. The fountain and origin of all the slanders
^Yhich have been hurled against the East India Company and
theii' servants is the book of Alexander Hamilton. i It was he
who originated the story of Job Charnoch's apostasy, which has
crept into the pages of some modern serious histories and
handbooks,'- as well as many other malicious stories. It will
never be understood how untrustworthy a guide he is when
dealing with the Company and their servants until the reason
of liis malice is disclosed.

The Company was accustomed to purchase from the British
Government for fixed periods the sole right to trade in the East
Indies. It was a profitable trade, and a large sum used to be
paid every time the Charter was renewed for the monopoly.
Duiing the first two centuries of East Indian trade there were
risks and dangers which do not now exist. There was the
armed competition of the Dutch for trade and of the French for
empire ; there was the necessity of erecting factory houses and
forts capable of defence against the inland powers ; and of
enlisting soldiers for defensive purposes. Every trading
vessel was also a fighting vessel, armed with guns and manned
by officers and men who knew that they might at any time
be called upon to fight an enemy. These circumstances made
the expenditure of the Company very great, so that unless
they were allowed a monopoly of the trade they could not see
their way to carry it on at all. Hamilton was one of those
who refused to recognise the necessity of a monopoly. He
wanted to share in the trade without sharing in any of the
expenditure which made the trade possible. He commanded
a small trading ship, and traded on his own account from one
port to another. He was what the Company called an ' inter-
loper.' If ho took up a cargo of any kind in India, he deprived
the Company of a cargo, and thereby he lessened their profits
without sharing their expenses. The question with us is not
whether a monopoly was right or wrong, wise or unwise ; it
existed, and that by the law of England. It was intended
to protect the Company agamst loss. Hamilton and other

' New Account of the East Indies, 2 vols. 1744.

2 E. Stock's History of the C.M.S. i. 51, 1899 ; Notes on India, by E. S.,
p. 40, 1905.

MEN AND MANNERS 97

free traders thought that it was merely a law to exclude them
from participating in legitimate commercial profits which ought
to have been open to all. It was not possible that Hamilton
and the Company's servants, having such different opinions,
should have agreed together. At some factories they threat-
ened him with the confiscation of his ship. On the ground that
his ship carried guns and arms for the crew, the Governor of
Fort St. George, Thomas Pitt, threatened to deal with him as a
pirate. But Hamilton outlived all the threats, and eventually
returned to England to publish his private opinions of his
official enemies, and to tell stories about them which require
to be discounted before repetition.

During the eighteenth century, and more especially the
second half of it, a considerable number of the Company's
servants returned home with fortunes. In the pages of the
GentlemaTis Magazine of the period they are referred to as
nabobs. The tone adopted towards them is not only tinged
with envy, there is also a suspicion of malice in it. There must
have been some reason for the expression of so much enmity
towards men who had made fortunes by trade in the East, when
there was no similar exhibition of envy, hatred, and malice
towards other rich men who had made their fortunes by trade
in other parts of the world. The reason is to be found in
Hamilton's charges of apostasy, unfair dealing, iniquitous
extortion, and so forth. British people have no jealousy of
successful merchants ; they are quite generous in their apprecia-
tion of honest success ; but where there is a suspicion of unfair-
ness they are equally liberal in their attribution of blame. They
believed Hamilton ; his malicious inventions obtained a long
start, and the truth has not yet caught them up.

To shake the pagoda tree was and is a familiar Anglo-Indian
expression of perfect innocence. A man plants, waters, digs
about and manures a tree, and in due time shakes it to enjoy
the fruit of his labour. Nothing more was meant by the
expression in India. A merchant plans and schemes and works
for years ; at last there arrives the time when the fruit of his
labour is ripe, and a metaphorical shake of the tree brings the
fruit into his lap. And what is the fruit that the merchant
looks for ? Pagodas, gold coins, money. Several generations

VOL. II. H

98 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

of Englishmen since the pubhcation of Hamilton's book have
imagined that to shake the pagoda tree is to get money in some
dishonest way ; perhaps even by robbing temples, which they
recollect are called pagodas somewhere. And they have used
the expression with a meaning smile as if to assure others of
their knowledge of the illegal and disreputable means employed.
As a matter of fact there is no more meaning in such insinua-
tions than there would be if used of the merchants of the City of
London. All merchants alike shake in due time the trees they
have planted and tended, and enjoy the fruit of them. Happy
are they whose trees through good management or good
fortune are loaded. They enjoy the fruits of their labours,
and the hearty congratulations of their generous friends.

The conquest of Bengal after the battle of Plassey in 1757
was the means of enriching many of the Company's servants,
both military and civil. But there is no reason to suppose
that any one of them came by his wealth otherwise than
honestly. No one who has served and lived in India can bring
himself to believe that the country was ever ruled and exploited
by dishonest traders or self-seeking administrators. Even
if there were no records to show the great regard in which
British government and British rulers have always been held,
the existing high regard for both among the great mass of the
people makes it impossible to believe that matters were ever
otherwise. As a matter of fact, public confidence in the justice
of both was established at a very early period, and this
confidence has never been forfeited.

In the Presidency of Madras in the last quarter of the
eighteenth century there were two cases of money-lending
which were denominated scandals, but which when examined
do not appear to be in any way scandalous apart from their
politics. The Rajah of Tanjore required money ; the servants
of the Company lent him what he required on the security of
his territories at the same high interest as the Madras Govern-
ment was then paying for temporary loans. The Rajah was
a bad ruler, so that the lenders were in danger of losing the
benefit of the interest agreed upon. They therefore foreclosed
the mortgage and took possession of the estate. From a
political standpoint this course was indefensible, and they

MEN AND MANNERS 99

were ordered by the Company to restore the kingdom of Tanjore
to its rightful ruler. But there was nothing dishonest in what
they did. The error they made was in treating the dominion
of a reigning chief as if it were the private estate of a bankrupt
subject.

A little later the Nawab himself was borrowing at the same
high interest on the security of his revenues. The local Houses
of Agency, the Company's servants, the St. Mary's Vestry, and
other bodies and persons were glad to lend money on such
apparently good security. But the Nawab was a spendthrift.
He went on borrowing, and the more he borrowed the weaker
the security became, and the interest demanded became higher
and higher. In 1803 a Commission was appointed by the
Government of India to settle with the Nawab 's creditors.
They were repaid what they had advanced with fair interest
and received about one-tenth of what they claimed. But there
was nothing dishonest in their claim ; they were money-lenders
lending on risky security, and they did what money-lenders
always do in those circumstances. When the Government
of India stepped in between them and their debtor they were
quite satisfied to accept the award, and to waive the claim
for the higher sum, which would never have been made if the
security had been satisfactory.

From the political point of view the methods of procedure
were quite wrong. The merchant Governors and members
of Council were not politicians by training. They were before
all things merchants, and their dealings with the country
powers were coloured by their calling. If a man borrowed
he must repay, and if he could not repay his goods must be
distrained upon. That was good English merchant law. Still
the incidents afforded an opportunity to the Company's enemies
to condemn the greed of their servants abroad, and to give a
forced interpretation to the metaphor of shaking the pagoda
tree. Business men saw nothing more in the lending incidents
than the taking of a ten-to-one chance.

The ' Memoir of Lord Teignmouth ' by his son is primarily
responsible for the ungenerous estimate of the Company's
Chaplains in India at the close of the eighteenth century. It
is true that his remarks were only concerning those in Bengal ;

H 2

100 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

but they have been made by later writers to apply to all alike.
Writmg to his wife in 1789 ^ he said : ' One of the two Chaplains
at the Presidency is a man of great learning, and very general
knowledge ; you find it in his preaching. The other has neither.
They are both men of respectable moral character, and
usually with me on this day ' (i.e. Sunday). The two referred
to were John Owen, afterwards Chaplam-General to the Forces
and Founder of the ' Clericus ' trust for the provision of religious
and other books for soldiers ; and Thomas Blanshard. Writing
to Wilberforce- m 1794 he said : ' We want a good preacher in
Calcutta. A man must have respect for religion before he

can attend to the sermons of a or a .' The three

Chaplains m Calcutta at the time were Thomas Blanshard,
David Brown, and Paul Limrick.3 in other letters he spoke
highly of Brown ; * his reference therefore must have been to
the other two. The remark was not very good-natured ; but
it was made in a private letter to a friend, and was never in-
tended for publication. Lord Teignmouth was a kind-hearted
and just man, and he knew what everyone knows, that a man
may be a faithful and good clergyman, such as Blanshard and
Limrick were, without being either a learned or a popular
preacher.

Writing to Wilberforce ^ again in 1795 he said :

' I am sorry also to add that our clergy in Bengal, with
some exceptions, are not very respectable characters. Their
situation indeed is arduous, considering the general relaxa-
tion of morals ; and from which a black coat is no security.
Mr. Brown, whose name you must often have heard from
Mr. Grant, is an exception. His piety is sound ; his conduct
exemplary and assiduous ; and his ministry and example have
done important good to the society here.'

This also is a statement in a private letter to a friend not
intended for publication. The three Presidency Chaplains
were those already mentioned. The others in Bengal at the
time were A. A. Barbor, John Loftie, Robartes Carr, and

1 Memoir of Lord Teignmouth, 1843, i. 194. - Ihid. 1843, i. 294.

=« Hyde's Parochial Annals of Bengal, Appendix E.

* Memoir of Lord Teignmouth. 1843, i. 342, 347. ^ Ibid. 1843, i. 347.

MEN AND MANNERS 101

Thomas Clark, who were the Company's military Chaplains
at Dinapore, Chunar, Berhampore, and Cawnpore respectively.
The Company had appointed them in the ordinary way after
examination of their Diocesan characters and testimonials,
and after they had been approved by the Archbishop of Canter-
bury. The Venerable H. B. Hyde has made further investiga-
tion 1 into their antecedents and their work in Bengal. There
is nothing to show that they were not respectable, nor indeed
very respectable. The Government of Bengal were bound by
the Company's rules to send home any servant of the Company
who brought any kind of discredit on the British character.
Lord Teignmouth was himself Governor and Governor-General
when he wrote ; there could not have been anything very
wrong, unless it was the lack of preaching power, of which he
had already complained, otherwise he would have exercised
the power he possessed, Tlie opinion of a man high in place and
authority has necessarily great weight, even though expressed
privately. That of Lord Teignmouth has been made the
most of by all subsequent writers, especially those who have
had some object in making things out to be worse than they
really were.

When Lord William Bentmck was Governor of Fort St.
George in 1806, he called upon the Senior Presidency Chaplain,
Dr. Kerr, to report upon the ecclesiastical needs of the Presi-
dency. The Governor in Council received the report in due
time, discussed it, accepted some of the proposals and modified
others, and sent home certain recommendations to the Directors.
Dr. Kerr criticised adversely in his report the Europeans in the
Presidency, and pleaded for a proper establishment of good
clergymen. The Governor went further than Kerr, and said
in his letter to the Directors that there was a want of respecta-
bility on the part of the Chaplains. The Directors refused
to admit this and justified theii- appointments with some
warmth.- There were only four Chaplains in the Presidency
at the time : Charles Ball, James Atwood, Edward Vaughan,
and E. H. Kerr himself. It is quite certain that the Governor's
remark could not have been applied with justice to any

' Parochial Annals of Bengal, 1901.

- The Church in Madras, vol. i. pp. •147-o0.

102 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

of these. One cannot help noticing the similarity of the
criticism to that of Lord Teignmouth eleven years before,
and wondering if Wilberforce had abused the confidence of
his friend.

James Hough, the historian of Christianity in India, is
largely responsible for the prevailing ill opinion of men and
manners in Madras at the same period. His estimate, upon
which Kaye relies without independent inquiry, was not the
result of personal experience, for he did not arrive on the coast
till 1816. The opinion^ he expressed was certainly the opinion
of R. H. Kerr and of Marmaduke Thompson. Similar opinions
with regard to Calcutta society were held by David Brown,
Claudius Buchanan, and Henry Martyn. All these men belonged
to the new evangelical school ; they were very much in earnest,
and they held views of human depravity not only with regard
to others, but more or less with regard to themselves. Martyn
was possessed of the spirit of self-depreciation more than the
others ; but they all held the doctrine, and constantly confessed
it before men. The language Martyn used of himself seems
to have been exceptionally strong,- — ' utterly unclean,' —
'not discerning one hundredth part of the depth of the depravity'
of his own nature, — and so on, over and over again. When
Henry Martyn spoke of himself in these terms nobody believed
him, for he was to all appearances a most humble and in
many ways a most saintly servant of God. The question
arises as to whether he and his school at that period meant
more when they criticised others than they meant when they
criticised themselves ;— whether their statements regarding
others are to be taken as true when those regarding themselves
cannot be so regarded. If all the statements they made are
to ho taken as equally true, then by his own showing Henry
Martyn was a very bad man. This conclusion, however
logical it may be, is known to be false, and so it must be
assumed that the whole series of statements bear the marks of
exaggeration.

Hough's account of the low state of religion and morals
in Madras is from beginning to end an exaggeration. It may

' Hough's Christianity in India, iv. 130-55.
- Life of Mrs. Sherwood (chapter on ' Uinaix)re.'

MEN AND MANNERS 103

have been founded on the statements in a letter from the
Directors to the Governor of Madras in 1798,i which has already
been referred to ; ^ the letter was sent to the Presidency-
Chaplains for their remarks ; and as the Government subse-
quently repudiated the charges, it must be presumed that the
Chaplains, of whom Kerr was one, were unable to endorse
what was said. Hough spoke from hearsay, and hearsay had
a great deal to do with the defamation of the servants of the
Company all through its long history. He was a great admirer
of Dr. Kerr, and was anxious to do justice to the really good
work he did in Madras. But Hough was neither the first nor
the last man who has made the mistake of thinking that the
right way to magnify a man is to belittle his contemporaries,
or that the right way to belaud a worker is to pour contempt
upon all previous workers. Any reader of the ecclesiastical
history of the Presidency of Madras in the seventeenth and
eighteenth centuries is shocked by such sentences taken from
Hough as these : ' In the present incipient state of Christianity
at Madras,' 'marks the rise of religious feeling at this
Presidency ; ' they were written on the assumption that there
was no Christian feeling, nor expression of Christian feeling,
no Christian faith and no Christian charity before Dr. Kerr
came upon the scene.

Hough seems to have relied also to some extent upon a
letter 3 which Dr. Kerr wrote to David Brown, the Bengal
Chaplain :

' I have lived many years here, and I may be ashamed of
my unprofitableness ; but it is no more than truth to say that
if ten sincere Christians would save the whole country from
fire and brimstone, I do not know where they could be found
in the Company's civil or military service on this establishment.'

No one would object to the first sentence ; it breathes a proper

humility ; but there is every Christian objection to the second.

An incident connected with the mutiny which took place

at Vellore in 1806 has had greater weight in determining public

1 Despatch, May 25, 1798, Public.

^ The Church in Madras, vol. i. p. 419.

^ Hough's Chridianity in India, iv. 154.

104 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

opinion of the religious indifference of the Company's military
officers than was probably intended at the time. It was
stated both iii speeches and in pamphlets by the opponents
of Christian missions in Lidia that the mutiny was due to
attempts which had been made to convert the native troops to
Christianity. Lord Teignmouth and others rephed^ to this
charge, but the Court of Directors thought fit to inquire of the
Madras Government into the value of the statement.

When the letter of inquiiy reached Madras, the Government
sent it to the Commander-in-Chief, General Hay MacDowall,
for his opinion. He replied emphatically that the mutiny was
not due to any fear of conversion to Christianity; and added
that the sepoys were too well aware of the indifference of their
officers to then- own religion to fear any pressure from them.
The plainness of this allegation of indifference is only equalled
by the plainness of the original statement that the mutiny was
due to a fear of missionary enterprise. The Christian public
in England could not and would not beheve the latter state-
ment, and their- disbelief was justified. But the same Christian
public had no similar disinclmation to beheve the former
statement. They would have been justified if they had
refused to accept it without some kind of proof.

As far as the Madras army was concerned it is necessary to
remember that there were three Church buildmgs at the period
at the Presidency town, and one each at Trichinopoly, Tanjore,
Cuddalore, Vellore, Palamcottah, Ramnad, Madura, and
Dindigul ; that all of these had been built with the assistance
of the mihtary officers of the Company and of the King, who
happened to be ui the stations at the time ; and that they were
frequented for public worship by a considerable number of
officers and men at the very time General Hay MacDowall
wrote his report. It is not to be denied that there was a great
deal of indifference and worse among both officers and men.
But it was not universal, as the report leaves one to suppose.
No one can read through such a book as the ' Good Old Days of
Hon. John Company ' 3 without plainly seeing that there was
a great deal of thoughtless and outrageous behaviour, quarrel-

' Tract on The Practicability, &c., 1808, p. 7.
- By W. H. Carey, Simla. 1882.

MEN AND MANNERS 105

ling, intemperance, duelling, among the younger military
officers, and that there were many court-martials, imprison-
ments, and dismissals. At the same time the Army Lists of the
period still exist to show how other officers, less unruly, rose
from rank to rank, and helped to make the old Coast Army
the efficient fighting force it was. It is a mistake to generalise
from the spicy extracts of the ' Good Old Days ' and similar
books. If all the officers and men of the period had been
debauched and drunken they could never have advanced the
reputation of British endurance and fighting power as they did.
Williamson! had the sense to make all his debauched villains
die young, and die of their excesses. This was probably true.
The others survived to shed lustre on the British character.

There is reliable evidence that indifference to religion was
not universal among Madras officers. At Madras, Tanjore, and
Trichinopoly parochial matters (which included the care of
the Church, the school, and the poor) were managed by a
Vestry,^ which consisted of both civil and military officers.
There was no legal obligation to serve on these vestries ; that
they did so is sufficient evidence that they were not wholly
indifferent to Church affairs. At these and other places there
were register books, which show how both officers and men
sought the Church's blessing on their marriages, and brought
their children to holy baptism. And at all these and many
other places there are Churches and burial-grounds where
friends and relatives raised memorials of the departed. It is
not necessary to say more than that the epitaphs are Christian,
and that it is impossible to believe that they who erected the
memorials were insincere when they wrote the words.

On the whole, the statement of General Hay MacDowall
must be regarded as an exaggeration. He himself appears to
have made it with a purpose, for he added :

' On making the remark on the indifference which is mani-
fested in the adoration of the Supreme Being, I must add in
justice to the military character that it chiefly proceeds from a.
want of places (and at several stations of clergymen) exclusively
appropriated for Divine Service ; and I trust I shall be excused if

' Oriental Field t:! ports, 1819. ^ See Appendix II.

106 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

I suggest the propriety of having convenient chapels of moderate
price constructed in all situations within the Company's terri-
tories where European troops are likely to be quartered, what-
ever may be urged to the contrary. I am convinced that such
an improvement, independent of the obvious advantages,
would render the British character more respected by the
natives.'

General Hay MacDowall probably knew of the Churches at
the older military stations, and what a boon they were to all
ahke. He wanted similar buildings at the new military stations
which had been occupied since the defeat of Tippoo Sultan, such
as Poonamallee, Wallajahbad, Arcot, Bangalore, and Seringa-
patam. It is not improbable that he shaped his reply to the
Government in such a manner as not only to answer their
question, but at the same time to push his own scheme, even
at the expense of the character of his brother officers. In the
Madras army at the time were serving many officers who had
taken Lord Cornwallis as then' pattern of a Christian soldier.
Some were then, or afterwards became, distinguished. The
names of Sir John Malcolm, Sir Thomas Munro, Colonel John
Mmiro, Colonel Charles Trotter, Colonel Colin Macaulay, and
others are honourable and still honoured ; and there is no
reason to suppose that, when these and others like them were
letting their light shine as examples of what a Christian soldier
could be and ought to be, they were not attracting others to
walk in like manner.

Owing to the German missionaries there was a better
provision of Churches and of Christian ministrations in the
Presidency of Madras in the eighteenth century than in the
other parts of India. It was this which made all the difference,
social and moral, between that Presidency and the others.
The difference was very great. When English men and women
are within sight of a Church building, within sound of a Church
bell, and under the influence of the good example of a Christian
minister, it is inevitable that they should think more often
of their Christian duty and conduct than those to whom such
advantages are wanting. So it happens that the public and
private records of social life in the south of India are less tainted
with scandalous stories than those in the north. Hickey's

MEN AND MANNERS 107

Gazette i would never have flourished in Madras. Under the
gracious leadership of the ladies of Government House, to whom
Lady (Archibald) Campbell showed the way, Madras society
was at the close of the century busy about its own harmless
social diversions and the organisation of charities. In the
latter pursuit they were backed up both by the missionaries
and the Chaplains. In the estabhshment of the military orphan
asylums Schwartz and Gericke were consulted no less than
Millingchamp, Leslie, and Bell.

The dawn of the nineteenth century saw in Madras many
evidences of Christian activity .^ Leslie was dead, and the
people of the settlement had paid an affectionate tribute to
his memory by the erection of a monument over his honoured
remains and a tablet in St. Mary's Church. Schwartz and
Gericke were both dead ; many soldiers' widows and children
bewailed their loss, and preparations were being made to
do honour to their memory in similar ways. There were
many other changes; but the tradition of Christian kindliness
remained with those whose lot it was to live in exile.

It is much more difficult than it seems to realise the kind of
life led by Europeans in India at this time. In Madras itself
the civil and military officers who could afford them had
bungalows outside the Fort. The juniors lived in the Fort
itself in houses which were crowded together to economise
space. The sanitary arrangements were in an elementary
condition ; the moat dangerously unwholesome ; the lower
rooms of the houses sunless, and in the rainy seasons damp.
The first line of houses effectually kept the sea-breeze from all
the others. Up to 1791 there was a real danger in living
beyond the reach of the Fort guns ; more than once the suburbs
were raided by hostile cavalry, so that few cared to run the
risk of building bungalows. After 1793, when the first Mysore
war was concluded, there was no longer any danger, and a
number of private residences were built on both sides of the
Mount Eoad, and in other situations. At the opening of the
century a large number of the more important officials and
military officers and merchants had settled themselves in their

' Kaj'e's Christianity in India, 1859, p. 113.
- Compare Kaye's Christianity; d:c., p. 101.

108 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

new dwellings far away from the insanitary Fort and the
odoriferous river Cooum. They who were left in the Fort were
either on duty or were too poor to engage better quarters
outside.

There were a few up-country stations where there were
small garrisons and a Civil Resident. A certain amount of
uncertainty prevailed with regard to these as long as Hyder Ali
and Tippoo Sultan ruled in Mysore in alliance with the French.
The result was that no adequate buildings were erected as
residences m any of them. The civil and military ofi&cers
were sometunes by chance well housed, sometimes otherwise.
Theii- surroundings continually reminded them of the precarious
nature of then' own position, and prevented any large expendi-
ture by the Company over permanent buildings. The house
accommodation of the Company's civil and military officers
in Madras was bad, but in the out-garrisons it was far worse.
It was not an impossible life for a European lady, but it was
full of risks and discomforts, and few officers cared to ask
English-bred ladies to share such a life with them.

British soldiers both in the King's and the Company's service
were incomparably worse treated than any. There were no
barracks anywhere before 1805. They who were stationed at
Fort St. George or at places where there were forts, like Vellore
and Arcot, were accommodated in dungeon-like bomb-proof
casemates under the walls. They who were stationed at
walled towns like Trichinopoly mostly lived in the bazaars.
Beside these there were many both in Madras and elsewhere
who lived in tents. There was no accommodation anywhere for
married women. A certain percentage of these came out with
every British regiment. They found their lives in the case-
mates, in the bazaars, and in tents so unendurably hard that
many of them died ; some preferred the easier life of concubinage
with Europeans who were able to make their lot more tolerable.
Their hardships and the result of them convinced the British
soldier that his only chance of domestic comfort was to ally
himself with the women of the country, who were accustomed
to the heat of bazaar dwellings and wanted nothing better.
The native women were in every way fitted to do what the men
wanted, namely, to cook their meals, to keep clean their quarters,

MEN AND MANNERS 109

and to manage their clothes. European women could cook with
a fire grate or a stove, but they did not understand how to
manage with two bricks and a bundle of sticks. Neither did
they understand how to keep a native-built house free of
vermin. Circumstances were all against them, and all in favour
of the native women. And so hundreds of alHances with the
latter took place.

It must not be hastily assumed that these alHances were
all of them improper and dishonourable to both parties.
Officers commanding garrisons and outposts were empowered
by the Fort St. George Government to join together such persons
in marriage. The civil servants of the Company had similar
powers with respect to persons in civil employ.! Between
1785 and 1805 all such marriages had to be reported to the
Senior Presidency Chaplain at Fort St. George, and they were
registered as marriages in a book kept for the purpose. After
1805 the system came to an end, for with the increase of Chap-
lains it was no longer necessary. Civil marriage was not at
that time recognised to be a principle of any importance. The
civil and military laymen who were authorised to join couples
together in marriage administered no oath, and adopted no
method other than the method of the Church. They opened
a Prayer-book and read the service before witnesses ; and the
marriage thus performed was held by the Government to be in
every way a binding contract.

In some places there were German missionaries in Lutheran
orders ; these also were empowered by the Fort St. George
Government to join Europeans together in wedlock. As a rule
both officers and men preferred their services when they were
available. The private register books they kept at Trichino-
poly, Tanjore, Palamcottah, and Cuddalore, which survive to
this day, show how busy the missionaries were in this
respect.

Neither the laymen nor the Lutheran missionaries nor the
Eoman Catholic missionaries professed to join together in
marriage anyone but Christians. The marriages they cele-
brated in their several ways they were convinced were Christian

^ See The Genealogist, vol. xxiii., ' Marriages at Fort St. George.'

no THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

marriages, holy matrimonies, in which non-Christians could
have no part. Tlie British soldiers knew this and recognised
the propriety of the exclusion ; they were more than a little
rough and reckless ; but they were themselves members of
Christ and children of God, and had been taught in their youth
some elementary Christian doctrines. They set themselves to
work to convert the women of their choice. Where there was
a missionary they took them to him ; where there was none
they taught them the Lord's Prayer, the Creed, and the Ten
Commandments themselves, and then brought them to the
missionary for baptism. Then followed the marriage which
the missionary registered in his book.

In several of the smaller civil and military stations there
were Church buildings which had been erected by the joint
effort of the visiting missionary and the resident civilians or
the resident soldiers. Where there was a building the marriages
took place as a rule within its walls. It was a natural feeling
that the place hallowed the proceedings. Where there was no
building the marriages took place in private houses. In 1793
the Civil Magistrate of Cuddalore performed a marriage in a
private house, though there was a Church in the station.
Horst, the Reader of Divine Service, doubted if the marriage
was a legal one under the circumstances, and made this note in
his register book :

' Nuptiae Bantelmanni scribae cum Maria Karr 8vo.
Octobris 1793 a Civili Magistratu domi copulatorum parochiali
non possunt inseri libro, quoniam eo tempore ordinatus erat V.D.
minister C. F. Schwartz, cujus haec de jure erat provincia,
sed qui extra templum eos copulari legibus concordare
negabat.' i

There is nothing to show why the marriage took place in a
private house, nor why Horst did not perform it. At Madras

' ' The nuptials of the writer Bantelman with Maria Kerr on Oct. 8, 1793,
by the Civil Magistrate at a private house cannot be entered in the parish register
book of married persons ; because the very learned {valde doctus) minister C. F.
Schwartz, within whose jurisdiction the matter lies, has laid down the rule that
they who are married outside the Church are not married according to law.'

I am indebted to Mr. J. J. Cotton, I.C.S., for this extract, of which I have
given the evident sense.

MEN AND MANNERS 111

a system had been introduced by the Chaplains twenty years
before by which they allowed — gave a special licence for — the
celebration of marriages in private houses in return for a double
fee. Some few of the richer persons adopted the system ; and
perhaps the writer Bantelman thought he was following the
highest and best European example when he did so too.

The Company made more than one effort to supply their
servants in India with wives by sending out batches of European
women, who were willing to go, to their several settlements.
Some of these married and some did not, and the effort was
pronounced a failure. The fault was with the Company. Their
selection was bad, and they had no receiving houses at their
factories where the young women could lodge under the pro-
tection and care of responsible matrons. An emigration
committee of ladies was wanted at home, by whom the character
and suitability of the candidates could be scrutinised. A
travelling companion of proper social standing was wanted on
board ship, with recognised authority to mother them on their
voyage out. A house and a chaperon were required at the port
of arrival, to watch over the interests of the young women
till their marriage. In the absence of these arrangements the
scheme failed, and the Company gave it up.

The old Charity School of St. Mary's, Fort St. George, made
provision for a small number of the Eurasian children of the
Europeans on the coast, and was sufficient for the purpose
between 1715 and 1765. After that date the increase of British
regiments increased the number of Eurasian children. The
Vestry schools at Trichinopoly and Tanjore provided for
some of the boys. In 1785 a large school for the Eurasian
daughters of soldiers was opened and endowed in Madras ;
and this was followed soon afterwards by a similar school for
their Eurasian sons. Officers could send their children to these
schools on payment ; or they could send them to schools more
private in character in Madras on the payment of higher fees.
Sons of officers by native mothers, that is with 50 per cent,
of European blood, were at a disadvantage. The Company
would not admit them into their civil or military service,
except in the lower ranks. Some accepted military service
under native rulers and rose to distinction ; but the generality

112 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

of them became clerks in the pubHc offices. Their sisters
generally married British officers, civil or miUtary. The children
of these latter unions would have 75 per cent, of European blood,
and were not barred by the Company from receiving appoint-
ments and commissions hi the higher grades of their service.
Many of the sons were employed, and the daughters took the
social position of their father and their European grand-
fathers.

Similarly sons of soldiers by native mothers were not
allowed to be enlisted in the Company's European or the
King's regiments, except as buglers. They became the bands-
men and drummers of the native regiments. Their sisters
were much sought after as wives by European soldiers, especially
if they were educated at the Military Female Orphan Asylum.
The children of these marriages were for the reason given above
regarded as Europeans. The sons were enlisted as soldiers
in British corps, and the gnls were as eagerly sought after by
the young men of their generation as their mothers had been
before them. The young Eurasians in the public offices
requned wives as well as the soldiers, so that the girls in the
Female Orphan Asylum were ui much request.

In spite of the difficulty of obtaining Enghsh wives, there
were a few whose husbands were stationed m the mofussil,
and more than a few in Madras itself where the conditions of
life were easier. As a rule the children of such parents were
sent to England for their education, and returned to India when
this was completed. Some were educated in the private
schools at Madras, through the inability of then parents to
incur the gi'eat expense of the home journey and sojourn.
But as a rule the custom then was as now, for parents to
separate themselves from their children, to their own great grief
but for the benefit of the children.

It is this custom, this necessary custom, this obligation in
the interest of the young of both sexes, which makes Indian
society so different fi'om society hi England. It creates other
needs for the mothers. Men have then work, then- ambitions,
and their duties. Then lives are more or less filled up with
these alone. The interest of the work, the importance of the
duty, the height of the ambition fill up the gaps made by the

MEN AND MANNERS 113

absence of the bairns. Mothers have not these things to fall
back upon. Domestic occupations in an Indian household are
too simple to occupy the whole attention. Literature and art
help to pass away the time of separation, but they are not
sufficiently distracting to bring content. Mothers under the
circumstances require something more than ' the trivial round,
the common task,' something more than pictures and books ;
they want distractions ; they invent amusements. And be-
cause they are as a rule both God-fearing and Christ-loving,
they cannot live happily without the opportunity of religious
exercise. The religion of the Church helps them to bear their
cruel cross of separation, and affords them opportunity to pray
for the absent ones in the most holy of all divine services.
Some credit for Church building in India in the past is due to
the civil and military officers, the Chaplains, and the mission-
aries ; but much more is due to the wives who felt the need
more severely, and who, without putting themselves in the
forefront, influenced their husbands for the provision of the
means of consolation they so greatly required.

Europeans in India have always been thrown back upon
themselves for their amusements. Professional caterers have
never found a sufficient return for their professional skill even
in large stations. If society requires a dramatic representation,
it must do it itself ; if it hungers after music, it must provide
its own players and singers ; if its young men yearn after
races, they must run their own horses and ponies, and ride
them themselves. Dancing, tournaments, gymkhana competi-
tions, and such like things all have their use in distracting the
attention from the ills that have to be borne. The young
and middle-aged alike delight in them ; the young because
they are young ; the middle-aged because they know that of
all possible distractions they are the most wholesome. The
occasional gaiety of an Indian station is a recognised attempt
to distract, and to compensate to some extent for the many
climatic drawbacks of the plains.

There is no reason for the too general belief that at the •
beginning of the nineteenth century all Europeans in all places
in India had adopted all the habits and customs of the country
which are morally indefensible. It is undoubtedly true that

VOL. n. I

114 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

some Europeans in some places had adopted some indefensible
customs and habits. But this is a very different statement.
WTiat prevented a general laxity of morals was the high character
of the Company's servants ; the Company's rules regarding
the moral conduct of those it employed ; the influence of the
Chaplains, the German Missionaries of the S.P.C.K., and of the
handful of Endisb ladies.

CHAPTEE VI

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815

Sf. Johi's, Secunderabad. — The cantonment. The appointment of a Chaplain.
Building of the Church. Its enlargement. Its furniture. The old burial-
ground. The newer ones. The consecration of the Church. The belfry.
The further enlargement. Punkahs. The Parsonage. Division of the
Chaplaincy. Modern additions to the furniture. Memorials in the Church
and the cemetery. The Orphanage. The Mission. The St. John's
Institute. The Soldiers' Institute.

St. Man/s, Arcot. — ^The historic interest of the place. The early Chaplains of
Arcot. Building of the Church, Its consecration. Modern additions to
the furniture. Memorials in Chui-ch and cemetery.

St. John the Baptist, Secunderabad. — After the fall of
Seringapataro it was deemed prudent to have a British force
permanently stationed near Hyderabad, the capital town of the
Nizam's dominions, to assist the Nizam to maintain political
order in his extensive territories. The force was encamped
on a plain i about three miles north of the city in the year 1800,
and remained there several years before permanent barracks
were built. It was known as the Hyderabad Subsidiary Force,
and was paid from the revenue of the Ceded Districts. At
the same time the Nizam agreed to maintain out of the revenues
of the District of Berar another force to garrison the important
towns of Ellichpore, Aurungabad, Hingoli, Jaulnah, and Eai-
chore, with headquarters at Bolarum, which was a camp about
six miles from Secunderabad and N.N.E. of it. This was
known as the Hyderabad Contingent.^

Up to 1850 the Secunderabad cantonment consisted only
of the land required for military purposes by the troops at

' The cantonment was called Secunderabad by the Nizam himself ; see
Letter, Oct. 21, 1807, Political.

2 In 1902 it waa merged in the Indian Army.

I 2

116 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Secunderabad itself. After that date new barracks were built
at Trimulgherry, midway between Secunderabad and Bolarum ;
the cantonment now includes all three places and measures
about twenty-two square miles.

There was neither Church nor Chaplain at the station
during the first twelve years of its existence. The Senior
Chaplain at Fort St. George recommended the appointment of
a Chaplain in his letter to the Governor in Council dated July
23, 1807, and the Government passed on the recommendation
to the Court of Durectors ; but they did not see fit to sanction
it.i Five years later the Government repeated the recom-
mendation, and asked for an increase of four Chaplains on the
Fort St. George estabhshment, in order that they might send
one to four military stations, one of which was Secunderabad.'-
This was one of the many cases in which the local Government
had special knowledge of a special local need. They therefore
acted on then: own responsibility and sent a Chaplain to the
Subsidiary Force without waiting for the Directors' reply.
Their previous delay seems to have been due either to a fear
that the Nizam would not welcome the appointment of a
Christian Minister to a station within his dominions, or that
His Highness would grudge the salary of such an official being
paid out of the revenues of the districts he had ceded. The
Government made inquiries, found that both fears were ground-
less, and wrote thus to the Directors : ^

' Having ascertained from the Resident at Hyderabad that
there would be no objection to the appointment of a mihtary
Chaplain to the British cantonment in its vicinity, we have
nominated the Eev. Mr. Brackcnbury for that duty, and have
provided for his occasional visitation of the European troops
at Jaulnah at such periods as may be determined to be most
convenient in communication with the Commanding Ofi&cer of
the Subsidiary Force.'

In the next paragraph the Government mentioned that the
Resident at Hyderabad had represented that there was no
place of Divine Worship at Secunderabad, and that they had

' Despatch, AprU 26, 1809, Public. - Letter, Oct. 17, 1812, 165-66, MU.
^ Letter, Dec. 31, 1813, 230, 237, Mil.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 117

referred his suggestion on that point to the MiHtary Board for
consideration. Here again was a pressing local need which
the Directors had already sanctioned in principle. The
Government did not therefore wait for the reply,i but built
a small Church in the year 1814. It measured 66 x 47 feet
and was 19 feet high, and is said to have accommodated 300
men.2 A building of those dimensions furnished with com-
missariat benches without backs ought to have accommodated
at least 400 men and probably did. It was a plain building
with strong walls on good foundations, and like the other
military Churches already mentioned it had no external or
internal ornament of any kind. It cost Es. 16,300. Of this
sum Es.600 was collected among the officers locally. There is
nothing in the records to show why they collected this sum.
There was no rule at that time about paying extra for archi-
tectural adornment if it was required. It seems probable
that owing to the delay in providing the building the officers
of the garrison began to take the matter into their own hands,
as those at Masulipatam did a little earlier, and had collected
this sum when the Order of Government for the erection of the
building arrived.

The Eev. Joseph Brackenbury arrived at Madras in October
1813. He was sent at once to Secunderabad. He saw the
building of the Church, but he made no application to the
Bishop of Calcutta to license it for Divine Service. The licence
was applied for by his successor, the Eev. Henry Harper, in
1819, and arrived in June of the following year.

A Church which only seated 400 men was inadequate to the
wants of the garrison. In the year 1826 it was extended
eastward 36 feet, and the accommodation was increased by 200
sittings. The cost of the alteration was Es. 13,774. The new
part had no ornamentation. It was a solid piece of good
building like the old part. When the Government informed
the Directors of the necessity of enlargement, they mentioned
that the old building could not accommodate more than one-
fifth of the Christian inhabitants of the station.^ The Eev.

' Despatch, June 12, 181G, 131-34, Mil.

- Official Return of Churches, 1852.

3 Letter, July 25, 1826, Eccl. ; Despatch, Sept. 5, 1827, 11, Eccl.

118 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

James Boys was the Chaplain when the extension took place.
It w-as he also who, wdth the Lay Trustees, applied to the
Government for a supply of better furniture for the Church
in 1826. Tlie application was sanctioned.^

The old burial-ground, east of St. John's Church, was in a
spot chosen at the begmning of the century when Secunderabad
was merely a camp. It was not well chosen, for in the rainy
season it \vas a swamp. Having been once used for this sacred
purpose, there was no local inclination to change it after the
cantonment was laid out. It was surrounded with a wall in
1840,"- consecrated by Bishop Spencer in 1841, and closed for
burials m 1842. Notwithstandmg this, there have been
occasional burials m the Nonconformist and Roman Catholic
portions of it since that time. Bishop Spencer, in 1841, conse-
crated the cantonment cemetery opposite the Arsenal now in
use, and the burial-ground at Bolarum. In each of these there
was an artificial division between the English and the Roman
Catholic portions.^ In 1854 Bishop Dealtry consecrated
the cemetery at Trimulgherry. If the regulations in force
at the time were observed, a portion of this ground also was
reserved for Nonconformist burials. The Directors wrote*
in 1841 : ' We think it very desirable that on occasions of
enclosing ground for cemeteries a portion of it should in every
case be set apart for parties, being Christians, who may differ
in thek faith from the Church of England.' It was probably
on the report of Bishop Dealtry that, in 1855, the old disused
cemetery was drained and its wall repaired."'

Bishop Corrie of Madras visited Secunderabad in 1836,
accompanied by Archdeacon Harper. This was the first
episcopal visit. He confirmed 141 persons, but did not conse-
crate either the Church or the burial-grounds. The probable
reason was that he had omitted to secure the consent and
co-operation of the Government as owners of the land. Bishop
Spencer came better prepared in 1841. He had the permission

» Letter, Dec. 15, 182G, Eccl. ; Despatch, July 23, 1828, IG, Eccl.

2 Despatch, July 2, 1841, 18, Eccl.

^ Letter, Jan. 21, 1842, 3, Mil.; Despatch, March 19, 1844, Eccl.

•» Despatch, July 2, 1841, 18, Eccl.

^ Letter, Feb. 27, 1855, G-8, Eccl. ; Despatch, July 23, 185G, Eccl.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 119

of the Government to set apart from all profane and common
uses by means of consecration all Churches and burial-grounds
built or laid out for the use of the Church of England. On
such occasions it is usual for the principal inhabitants to present
a petition begging the Bishop to consecrate. The petition to
consecrate the Church was signed by the Eev. G. H. Evans
and others.i It shows that the building was dedicated to God
in honour of St. John the Baptist. The consecration deed is
dated December 12, 1841.

At this time the Eev. G. H. Evans was the Chaplain. The
records show him to have been in many respects a notable
man. He was instrumental in promoting the building of
a Church at Bolarum and another at Chudderghaut. He
persuaded the military authorities to second his efforts to get
a belfry added to St. John's, not only for the accommodation of
a bell, but with a view to give the plain useful building a more
ecclesiastical appearance. The design was commended by the
Bishop and by Archdeacon Shortland, and was carried out in
1846 at the cost of Rs.2387. It is about sixty feet high.2
Evans was also instrumental m getting the Church enlarged
in 1850. He left Secunderabad in 1849 ; but it was his strong
recommendation that the work should be done which induced
Archdeacon Shortland to press the necessity upon the notice
of Government. This time it was enlarged by building two
transepts. The cost was Es.8629 ; for which sum additional
accommodation was found for 150 people. At the same time a
Vestry was erected at the new burial-ground for the use of the
Chaplain. The Eev. John Gorton was the senior Chaplain of
the station when these changes were made, but they were due
to the efforts of his predecessor.

In the Official Eeturn of Churches made in 1852 the total
cost of St. John's is said to have been Es.41,390. This sum
included the cost of the original building, the two extensions,
the belfry, and all repairs up to that date.

Secunderabad was one of the military stations on the
plains which contended for a long time that punkahs were a
necessity in the Church, and ought to be provided for British
soldiers. Time after time the Directors refused to sanction

' St. John's Church Records. - Oflficial Return of Churches, 1852.

120 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

the expenditure. In several garrisons, Secunderabad being
one of them, the British officers bore the cost and put them up,
and the congregation paid the pulling establishment. In 1854
the Government of Fort St. George decided to pay half the
cost of the punkahs and half the cost of the estabhshment.i
This decision caused the Directors to consider the question
more narrowly than they had done before. They consulted
retired officers, and they sanctioned the whole cost in the year
1856.2

The Chaplain of Secunderabad is fortunate, like those of
Bellary and Wellington, in having a house set apart for him.
It is opposite the Church, and is known as the Parsonage. It
was one of the origmal bungalows built when the cantonment
was laid out, and was at that time allotted to the Chaplain.
It has been almost without interruption occupied by successive
Chaplains since that time. To prevent mistakes, the Govern-
ment through the Commander-in-Chief asked the General
Officer Commanding many years ago to regard the house as the
Chaplain's official residence.

The growth of Secunderabad and of the religious work
required of the Chaplains has a history somewhat like that of
Bangalore. Matters came to a crisis in the sixties of the
nineteenth century. The stations of the Hyderabad Contingent
in Berar received a Chaplain of their own. Bolarum and
Trimulgherry were made separate Chaplaincies ; Chudderghaut,
by an arrangement with the Government of the Nizam, received
a Minister of its own who was not connected with the Service.
Notwithstanding this relief the Secunderabad Chaplain still
has to visit three out-stations periodically; one of them, Yel-
landu, is the centre of a new coal field, and has a small
permanent Church of its own.

In 1888 St. John's Church was reseated at a cost of
Rs.3000.'^ Some of the old seats had been in use since the
first extension in 1827 ; some of them dated from the year of
the second enlargement, 1850 ; all alike were the worse for wear.
The reseating acted as an inspiration to the congregation to

' Letter, Feb. 9, 1854, 9, Eccl. ; Despatch, Aug. 29, 1855, 7, Eccl.
- Letter, Dec. 24, 1855, 7, Eccl. ; Despatch, July 23, 1856, 48, Eccl.
3 G.O., June 26, 1888, No. 90, Eccl.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 121

improve the general appearance of the interior, and especially
of the choir and sanctuary. These were paved with ornamental
tiles. The lectern, a handsome work of art, was purchased by
the congregation in 1893 ; and the lectern Bible was presented
by Mr. S. D'Costa as a thankoffering soon afterwards. A
new organ was obtained, and one by one the altar ornaments and
hangings were presented by various members of the congrega-
tion. The spirit of improvement still continues ; for in the year
1908 another new organ was obtained at a cost of over Es.4000.
Most of these additions to the furniture of the Church were
made during the Lay Trusteeship of Mr. A. J. Dunlop, who
filled that office for many years with the most sympathetic
devotion.

Of the memorial tablets in the Church there are two of
special interest. One records the death of Colonel Sir Augustus
Floyer, K.C.B., in 1818. He commanded the troops at Secun-
derabad. As an officer of the Hon. Company's 5th Eegiment
of Cavalry he was in all the principal campaigns between 1783
and the date of his death. He was the son of Charles Floyer
of the Companj^'s Service, who was Governor of Fort St. David
from 1747 to 1750, when that fort was the principal English
settlement on the coast. Charles Floyer married Catherine
Carvalho at St. Mary's, Fort St. George, in 1761, and Augustus
was born at the Fort in 1766. The other tablet commemorates
the death of Brigadier-General A. C. McMaster, who commanded
the Madras Brigade of the Afghanistan Field Force in 1879, and
died at Mooltan. Both tablets were erected by their friends
and comrades. There is a tablet recording the death of the
wife of the Eev. James Boys, Chaplain, in 1825, but none to
the memory of the two Chaplains William Tomes and Frederick
William Briggs, who died at Secunderabad in 1839 and 1843
respectively.

In some of the cemeteries there are memorials of rulers and
soldiers of historic fame, especially in the burial-ground of the
Residency.! Here rest members of the families of Eumbold,
Russell, Palmer, and Yule. Monsieur Raymond, the talented
French commander of the Nizam's Foreign Contingent, a body
of disciplined troops under French officers numbering 15,000

' See J. J. Cotton's Moiimnenlal Inscriptions.

122 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

men, has a monuinent on a bill called after him,i about tbree
and a balf miles from Hyderabad. In the other cemeteries
the bodies of many gallant officers and men are buried, some
of whose names— such as Dalrymple, Desborough, Ditmas,
and Cherry — are well known in the history of the southern
Presidency.

At Secunderabad, as at other military stations, an orphanage
for the children of soldiers was established at an early period
in the life of the station. The exact date is not at present
known. The oldest records show that it was managed, like
similar schools elsewhere, by the Chaplams and Lay Trustees.
This leads one to infer that it was not established before the
year 1842, when there was only one Chaplain in the station.
In that year the Eev. G. H. Evans was relieved by the appoint-
ment of a Joint Chaplain. Subsequently other Churches were
built, which in turn were served by fresh Chaplains and fresh
Lay Trustees. These came on the committee of management
as they were appointed. In the year 1859 the Rev. J. J. B.
Sayers raised a fund to rebuild the school as a memorial of
God's mercy m preserving the Province from the horrors of
mutiny. Up to that time it had been known as the Orphanage,
and sometimes as the Vestry School. Dr. Sayers, being a good
Irishman,"^^ changed the name to the Protestant Orphanage and
Brigade School, and there has been trouble several times in
consequence.-"' For the new name seemed to imply that it was
an undenominational school under undenominational manage-
ment. But Dr. Sayers did not mean or intend this to be
implied. The management is still with the Chaplain of St.
John's, and the children attend Divine Service at that
Church.

The flourishing mission at Secunderabad was originated in
1840 by the Eev. R. W. Whitford, a Chaplain ; since that time

' The natives by clipping the last syllable knew Raymond as Monsieur
Raym, which they pronounced Myseram. The hill and monument are known
by this name.

- The Vestry School of St. Mary's, Fort St. George, and the Orphanage at
Bellary had their names similarly altered by Irish Chaplains (Despatch, March 10,
1847, Eccl.). In the former case the new name did not last. Their only inten-
tion was to enhance the respectability of the schools' names.

3 See the Diocemn Becord, July and Oct. 1888. '

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 123

it has been nurtured by successive Chaplains, and greatly
assisted financially and otherwise by their active interest. The
pioneer native priest was the Rev, N. Paranjothy, who
ministered at Secunderabad with great zeal and activity from
1842 to 1861. The native Christians worshipped at St. John's
till their own Church was built in 1853. This Church was
consecrated by Bishop Thomas Dealtry in 1854, and named
in honour of St. Thomas the Apostle by the founders, with a
possible reference to the Bishop himself. Connected with the
mission are four schools and an orphanage for native Tamil and
Telugu children.

Beside the Chaplains already mentioned there were many
who did good service in their generation, but who were not
associated with any striking ecclesiastical movements. They
were of all schools of thought, and all different in their methods ;
but all one in their devotion to duty. In later days the Rev.
R. J. Brandon established the St. John's Institute near the
Church, and the Rev. A. H. B. Brittain was instrumental in
building the Soldiers' Institute at Trimulgherry and the Church
at Yellandu.

St. Mary's, Banipett, Arcot. — The Port and town of Arcot
was the capital and residence of the old Nawabs of the Carnatic.
In the middle of the eighteenth century there was a political
rebellion, and the Nawab was slain. The cause of the
Pretender to the throne was adopted by the French at
Pondicherry, and that of the heir by the English at Fort
St. George. The Pretender led his army away from the
capital to join the French in an attack on Trichinopoly.
During his absence Captain Robert Clive marched with a
small force to attack Arcot. The capture of the walled
town and Fort was one of the most remarkable achievements
of the time ; and the subsequent defence of the place
against the whole force of the Pretender by Clive and his
adventurous followers, of whom only about 400 were Europeans,
forms one of the most thrilling stories in British military
history.

The next thirty years were years of conflict. In 1758 Arcot
was taken by Count Lally and his allies. In 1760 it was
recovered by Sir Eyre Coote. In 1780 it was taken by Hyder

124 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Ali, who destroyed the fortifications ; but it was recovered in
1783. Since that time there has been no serious fighting in the
neighbourhood. The walls of Arcot before their destruction
were five miles in circumference ; nothing remains now but one
gateway, called the Delhi Gate, about which of course there is
more than one heroic story.

The Fort was on the south bank of the Palar river. Ten
miles to the west of it is the Fort of Vellore on the same side of
the river. Thirty miles to the east of it on the north bank of
the river is Wallajabad. Fifteen miles south is the Fort of
Arnee. Forty miles to the south-east is Wandiwash where
Eyre Coote inflicted a severe defeat upon Count Lally in 1760.
The whole district is of great historic interest. The military
importance of this group of forts was due to their position
with regard to the Mysore border. A considerable force
of British and native troops was divided between them ; and
Arcot became the cavalry station. As the Fort was in ruins,
a cantonment was formed on the other side of the river near
a village called Eanipett ; the station was always known as
Arcot as long as British troops were there ; when they were
withdrawn it gradually assumed the name of Eanipett. Vellore
ceased to be a station for British infantry after the mutiny
of 1806. Wallajabad proved to be unhealthy and was aban-
doned some years later. Arnee was abandoned at the same
time. Arcot remained a station for British troops till
1863.

A Chaplain was stationed at Vellore in 1789.^ His duty was
to visit Arcot, Arnee, and Wallajabad. After 1806 the head-
quarters of the Chaplain were fixed at Arcot, and part of his
duty was to i^'isit the other three stations.^ In 1815 it was
recognised that the work of those stations could not be done
by one Chaplain, more especially as the civil station of Chittoor
claimed a portion of his services. The number was therefore
increased to tw^o,-*^ one being stationed at Arcot and the other
at Chittoor. Other changes were made with regard to Vellore,
Arnee, Chittoor, and Wallajabad as time went on ; but Arcot

' See The Church in Madras, i. G18-29, 081.
- despatch, April 20, 1809, Public.
'^ Despatch, Nov, 3, 1815, 130, Mil.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 125

had the continuous services of a Chaplain until it was aban-
doned in 1863. This is the hst up to 1834 :

Years.

1789-91

The Eev. C. Wells .
„ J. E. Atwood
„ W. Thomas

C. Ball .
„ J, Mousley
„ E. Smyth
„ T. Lewis
,, P. Stewart

1798-1802 and 1803-4

1808-9

1809-11

1811-13

1814-29 (died at Bangalore)

1829-33 (died at Vellore)

1833-34 (died at Arcot)

Arcot was one of the places recommended by Dr. Kerr for
a permanent Chaplain in 1807. It was also one of the places
recommended by General Hay MacDowall for a permanent
Church in the same year. The same delay took place here as at
other places with regard to the buildmg. In 1808 a house in
the cantonment was hired and made to serve the purposes of a
Church. But it was an unsatisfactory arrangement. When
the Government of Fort St. George informed the Directors of
what they had done i the reply - was :

' We approve etc. And we embrace this opportunity of
acquainting you that we shall be ready to sanction the erection
at a moderate expense of houses of worship at all the seven
military stations specified in paragraph 9 of our Public Letter
dated 5 June 1805.'

The difficulty of the local Government was chiefly financial.
They had to build at this period not only barracks and hospitals,
but also Court Houses, Treasuries, and other civil buildings.
They had to consider how all this could be done with the money
at their disposal. In 1807 a house was rented as a place of
worship. In 1812 they decided to convert a native hospital
at Arcot into a Church. But the Commander-in-Chief was
insistent. Grave accusations had been made against the
European troops in his command, and he did not want to hear
them repeated.^ So the Military Board was desired to submit

' Letters, Oct. 24, 1808, 168, Public, and Oct. 24, 1808, 394, Mil. ; Despatches,.
July 10, 1811, 112, Public, and Sept. 9, 1812, 182, Mil.

- Letter, Dec. 24, 1807, 233, Mil.; Despatch, Jan. 23, 1811, 141, Mil.
=» Letter, Dec. 31, 1813, 100, Mil.

Plan of St. Mary's, Arcot. Tliis was the standard plan of
a Church sanctioned by the Military Boarrl between 1809
and 1815. Dimensions varied according to requirements.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 127

a plan and estimate for a small Church. During the year 1814
the Church was built. The additions of the sanctuary and a
Vestry room on each side of it were made in 1815. The body
of the Church measured internally 48 x 42 x 22 feet.i The
sanctuary extended another 12 feet ; so that the total inside
length was 60 feet. With commissariat benches without backs
there was sitting accommodation for the officers and about 300
men. The cost was Es. 10,332. It was consecrated by Bishop
Spencer on October 20, 1844, and was named St. Mary's in
honour of the Blessed Virgin.

The Senior Presidency Chaplain in 1816, the Eev. E. Vaug-
han, reported that the Church at Arcot was ' nearly finished ' ^
in a return called for by the Government. It is, however,
confidently stated locally that the Church was ready for use at
the beginning of 1815. If so, it must have been in use before
it was quite finished, which is quite possible. The Rev.
Richard Smyth was the Chaplain who saw it built. He wanted
it badly, and it is quite probable that he made use of it before
the final touches were added. The Register Books were
commenced in 1813 by the Rev. J. Mousley, when the services
were held in the hired house.

In the year 1851 the old Cavalry Mess House was sold by
the Government and bought by the Roman Catholics, who
intended to convert it into a chapel.^ The Government on
hearing of this returned the sale price and expenses to the
purchasers, and ordered the materials of the building to be
sold by auction. The Directors made no remark. As a rule
the Government were liberal to the Roman Catholics and
assisted them both to build and to keep in repair their chapels,
which were in use by British troops. But they claimed to have
a word as to where they were built. It cannot be known now
why they adopted the course they did. The Roman Catholics
did not apparently declare their intention till the purchase was
completed. Perhaps that was the offence. The Mess House
was probably in the very heart of the cantonment, where the
military authorities did not want a chapel of any kind. That

' The 1852 Official Return says 48 x 48 x 22 feet ; a mistake.

'^ Constdtations, Jan. 27, 1816.

•' Letter, June 26, 1851, 2, Eccl. ; Despatch, March 2, 1853, 9, Eccl.

128 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

may have been the cause. The action of the Government was
certainly unusual.

From time to time repau's were executed and new furniture
added ; but no alteration has been made to the building from
the time it was built to the present day. It never needed
enlargement. The plan therefore is of interest ; for it shows
exactly what the Military Board of the period considered to be
the best possible design for the price to be paid. They had to
consider durability and permanence as well as accommodation,
and to put aside rigorously all thought of ornamentation. The
Church consists of a nave with a tiled roof supported by pillars,
and Hanked by two aisles with terraced roofs. Arcot is now
almost deserted. It seems a pity that the building cannot be
transferred to one of the many new places where a Church to
accommodate about three hundred people is requu'ed.

Since the miUtary authorities abandoned the station, the
buildmg has been well cared for and used by the civilians who
now form the population of the place. The handsome altar
vessels were provided in the early days by the Hon. Bast India
Company ; they bear the Company's coat of arms, like the
plate at other old military stations. The coloured glass east
wmdow, representing the Crucifixion, was a thankoffering from
Mr. Apothecary Chadwick on his recovery from illness. The
pulpit, lectern, altar rail, and Glastonbury chairs are of teak
wood handsomely carved. The carving was the handiwork of
Mr. A. F. Cox of the Madras Civil Service in 1875. Mr. Cox
in the early part of his career was assistant to Mr. W. S. White-
side, the Collector and Chief Magistrate of North Arcot, who
as a relief to official duties had taken up the hobby of wood-
carving. In this art he became very efficient ; specimens of
his beautiful work can be seen at the Chittoor and Vellore
Churches and in the Cathedral at Madras. Mr. Cox was
mfected with his enthusiasm and followed his example ; and
when he was transferred to Ranipett (Arcot) in 1875, and beheld
the old and dilapidated furniture in the Church, he determined
to renew it as Whiteside had renewed the furniture at Chittoor.
The first four benches were made under Mr. Cox's supervision.
The design was copied from the seats presented by Mr. White-
side to Vellore. Six similar benches were subsequently obtained

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 129

by the congregation. The rest are over seventy years old.
They have perpendicular backs and are said to be very uncom-
fortable; but a vertical back is better than no back at all.
The lamps and the American reed organ were the gifts of
Mr. J. Andrews of the Madras Civil Service. Mr. W. S. White-
side was the donor of the brass altar cross and of a solid
well-made altar table.

No burials have taken place inside the Church. There are,
however, two monumental tablets worthy of notice. The one
on the south wall is to the memory of the Eev. Eichard Smyth,
who died at Bangalore ; he was Chaplain of Arcot from 1814 to
1829. The one on the north wall commemorates Captain
John Stedman Cotton of the 7th Madras Light Cavalry, who
died of cholera at Chittoor in 1843. He was the author of
' Tlie Tale of a Tiger,' from which ' The Tale of a Tub ' is
supposed to have been derived. The tablet is by Weekes the
sculptor, and includes a medallion portrait of the deceased in
relief.

The cemetery has been in use since the cantonment was
made, but the earliest monument in it is dated 1791. The
earliest inscribed tomb at Arnee is dated 1784. The inscrip-
tions on the old tombs at Wandiwash Fort have perished. They
belonged to the period of the gallant defence of the Fort by
Flint and Brereton in 1759 and 1760. At Arnee is the tomb
and memorial of Colonel Henry Harvey Aston, who commanded
the 12th Eegiment, and was killed in a duel which he provoked.^
All the cemeteries contain the mortal remains of gallant and
brave men, who lived in troublous times and bore their part
well. At Arcot are buried two Chaplains, Holled Coxe of the
Bengal establishment, and Pointz Stewart of the Madras
establishment. Coxe was on leave from Bengal for his health,
and was on his way to Bangalore with his wife. He died at
Arcot in 1820, aged twenty-five. The Latin inscription on
his grave says : ' Juvenis etsi, Vitae tamen officiis per-
functus erat, Gravi erga Deum pietate imbutus, Vix ad
has oras appulsus, Animam eheu praematuram expiravit.
Hoc marmor apposuere, Sui deflentes.' His wife proceeded
to Bangalore, where his son, who afterwards entered the

^ Memoirs of George Elers, pp. 81-89.
VOL. u. :k

130 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Company's service, was born.i Pointz Stewart was appointed
to the station in 1833, and fell a victim to the heat in the
month of May 1834.

The last resident Chaplain of Arcot (1861-63) was the Rev.
J. W. Wynch, a lineal descendant of Mr. Alexander Wynch,
who was appointed Governor of Fort St. George in 1773.

' J. J. Cotton's Monumental Inscriptions.

CHAPTEE VII

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS UNDER THE BISHOPS OF
CALCUTTA

The Calcutta Bishopric. Its original extent. Functions of the Bishop and
the Archdeacons. Ecclesiastical Courts. Bishops and Archdeacons to
be corporations sole. Power reserved to the Crown to recall appointments.
Power reserved to the Governors in Council to determine residence in their
territories. Local Governments to assist the Bishop and Archdeacons.
The first Bishop. The first Archdeacon of Madras. The Senior Presidency
Chaplain. Archidiaconal functions. Rules of procedure. Registrars.
The building of St. George's. The Bishop's Primary Visitation. Conse-
cration of St. George's and of St. John's, Trichinopoly. The Second Visita-
tion. Confirmations and Consecrations. Archdeacon Mousley's tour of
inspection ; his death and character. Vaughan, second Archdeacon.
Licensing of C.M.S. missionaries, 1824. Bishop Heber's Visitation ; his
death. Chaplains' retiring allowances. Vaughan's inspection tour. Retire-
ment of Vaughan. Robinson, third Archdeacon ; his conception of the
office. Bishop Turner's Visitation. Confirmations, consecrations, ordina-
tions, 1830. Bishop Wilson's Visitation, 1834. Confirmations, &c. The
Vepery Conference on caste disputes. List of Consecrations up to 1836.

The East India Company Act of 1813 provided for the issue,
' in case it should please His Majesty,' of Royal Letters Patent
under the great seal, constituting one Bishopric for the whole
of the British territories in the East Indies and in other parts
within the limits of the Charter of the East India Company ;
and three Archdeaconries for the British territories within the
jurisdiction of the three Governments of Fort William, Fort
St. George, and Bombay. The Charter limits of the Company
extended far beyond the boundaries of India; so that the
Bishops of Calcutta at the beginning of their spiritual rule had
jurisdiction not only in India itself, but also in Ceylon, the
Straits Settlements, the trading stations in China, St. Helena,
Cape of Good Hope, and the settlements in Australasia.

K 2

132 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

The Letters Patent, which were issued in the following year,
empowered the Bishop of the new See to perform all functions
peculiar to the office of a Bishop ; to exercise spiritual and
ecclesiastical jurisdiction throughout the See according to the
ecclesiastical laws of England ; to grant licences to officiate ;
to visit, try, correct and punish all ecclesiastical persons who
offended against the ecclesiastical laws ; and to administer oaths
in such cases for the better administration of justice. The
jurisdiction given was actually limited to the superintendence
and c^ood government of the ministers of the Church establish-
ment of the East India Company. In order to carry it out
the Bishop was to have a Consistory Court with the usual
officials.

As to the duties and functions of the Archdeacons, not much
more was said than that they should assist the Bishop of Calcutta
in then- archdeaconries ' in the exercise of such episcopal
jurisdiction and functions, as we have been pleased to limit
to the said Bishop, according to the duty of an Archdeacon,
])y the ecclesiastical laws of our realm of England.' They were
to be commissaries of the Bishop within their archdeaconries.
During vacancies in the See they were to exercise episcopal
jurisdiction as far as the ecclesiastical law allowed. For the
rest it was considered to be understood that an Archdeacon in
India would have the same kind of function, power, and duty
as an Archdeacon in England. Generally speaking the duty
of an Archdeacon is the care and inspection of the diocese, or a
portion of the diocese, in subordination to the Bishop. Under
the authority of the Bishop he is to visit the parishes of the
archdeaconry, and to correct and amend such matters as ought
to be corrected and amended, unless they be matters of such
importance as ought only to be adjudged by the Bishop himself.
Every power which the Archdeacon has is derived from the
Bishop. He is the occulus efisco'pi within his prescribed
jurisdiction, the overseer of the Christian shepherds and the
Christian flock ; he is also the vicarius e'pisco'pi, with power to
act in the name of the Bishop when receiving authority to do
so. The object of his oversight is the inspection of the fabric,
furniture, sacred vessels, ornaments, books, and other property
of the Church. For the better exercise of these powers the

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS 133

Archdeacon has a Court. The chief officer of it is the Registrar,
appointed by the Bishop, whose duty is to register ecclesiastical
documents, records, episcopal and archidiaconal acts, and to
assist in the administration of justice. It was assumed in
the Statute and in the Letters Patent that these duties and
functions were known, and that when Archdeacons were
appointed they would perform all functions and duties that
properly belonged to them.

It seems to be quite certain, from the care with which the
procedure of the Archdeacon's Court and the Bishop's Court was
regulated, that there was an idea at home that the Chaplains
required discipline and correction. There was to be an appeal
from the lower to the higher Court. It was laid down that in
all grave cases the Bishop or his commissary was to proceed in
due form of law to final sentence. This sentence was to be at
once communicated to the local Government, which was to
refer the matter to its Supreme Court. This Court might stop
further proceedings by writ of prohibition or mandamus. If
it upheld the proceedings there was to be an appeal to the King ;
for which purpose Commissioners, consisting of the Judges of
the Supreme Court at Calcutta and the members of the Calcutta
Council, or any three of them, were delegated to hear it. It
is to the credit of the Chaplains that no Courts were required
in their generation nor for a long time after they had passed
away.

The Bishop was given the right of collating to the office of
Archdeacon any priest who was a Chaplain in the service of the
Company. The Bishop and Archdeacons by virtue of their
offices were to be corporations sole with perpetual succession
for the purposes of holding property according to custom.
The Crown reserved to itself the power to revoke or recall any
appointment made. The Company retained the power through
their Governors in Council to determine the residence of any
persons within their territories. The Court of Directors, the
local Governments, and all officials in India were ordered to
assist the Bishops and Archdeacons in the execution of their
offices.

The Letters Patent were dated May 2, 1814. Under them
Dr. Thomas Fanshaw Middleton was appointed Bishop of the

134 THE CHURCH IN I^IADRAS

See of Calcutta, and the Rev. John Mousley was appointed
Archdeacon of Madras. Dr. Middleton was a member of the
S.P.C.K., and had taken an active part in their missionary
deHberations. It was well known that he was in sympathy
with the desire to promote Christian knowledge and to propa-
gate the Gospel. It was the custom of the S.P.C.K. to
dismiss their missionaries to their work with a prayer, a
charge, and a blessing. Dr. Middleton had been selected
on more than one occasion to deliver the charge. He left
England with a great deal of goodwill from all religious
parties and classes, and he found a similar goodwill on his
arrival at Calcutta.

The first Archdeacons were nominated by the Crown.
Subsequent nominations were granted by the Letters Patent
to the Bishop.

Since the beginning of the century it had been the custom
of the local Government to appoint one of their senior Chaplains
to the Presidency Church in Fort St. George, and to make
him the channel through whom all communications between
themselves and the other Chaplains had to pass. In 1814 the
Rev. Edward Vaughan occupied this position. The Rev. John
Mousley, who was appointed a Chaplain by the Directors in 1810,
was transferred from Wallajabad, in 1812, to assist Vaughan
in his multifarious duties at the Presidency. There were then
eleven Chaplains on the Madras establishment, and seven of
these were senior to him. The probable reason why he was
selected by the advisers of the King was that he had had a
distinguished career at Oxford, and had been elected to a
Fellowship at Balliol College. The old promotion rule of the
Company, ' seniority tempered by selection,' was hardly
observed in Mousley's case ; but it has to be remembered that
University distinction was universally recognised at the period
to be the golden key which opened the gates of high office in
the Church.

It fell to the lot of Vaughan, therefore, to institute and in-
duct Mousley, his junior colleague, into the Archdeaconry. Both
ceremonies took place under a commission from the Bishop at
St. Mary's, Fort St. George, the former on March 27, 1815, and
the latter on the following day. The record of the Institution

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS 135

and the Induction was drawn up by the newly appointed
Registrar, Robert Orme, and was witnessed by ' four respectable
inhabitants ' : namely, George Arbuthnot, the founder of the
firm of Arbuthnot & Co.;i Wilham Harington, Thomas Macleane,
both in the Company's Civil Service ; and Robert Anderson,
M.D., the eminent physician and botanist, whose monument
is in the porch of St. George's Cathedral. Archdeacon Mousley
read himself in at St. Mary's on the following Sunday, This
event was attested in the Archdeacon's Act Book by three
civilians whose names are well known in the southern Presi-
dency— Richard Clarke, G. R. Sullivan, and A. F. Hudleston.
The families of Harington, Clarke, Sullivan, and Hudleston
have each supplied four generations of administrators to the
Indian service. Richard Clarke was the first Honorary Secre-
tary of the S.P.C.K. in Madras, and did yeoman service in
preserving the property of the Society when it was in great
danger. On his return to England the Society wisely invited
him to join their East India Committee ; he possessed a
knowledge of their concerns in the East which was of great
value to them in their deliberations.

Neither the Statute nor the Letters Patent made the Arch-
deacon head of the ecclesiastical department. There is no
ev+idence from the Archdeacon's Act Books or the Government
Gazettes that the Government expected of the Archdeacon
anything beyond the canonical duties of the office at first.
These were judicial and disciplinary, not secretarial. The
Archdeacon administered oaths, issued licences to the clergy
for the Bishop, and citations for visitations. He was con-
stituted Bishop's Commissary without further appointment
within his Archdeaconry. There was nothing at first to prevent
Vaughan from continuing his administrative duties as Senior
Presidency Chaplain; and as the Government had no objection
he continued to be the channel of communication between
themselves and the Chaplains, and to receive all copies of
register books and other returns which had to be made by
the Chaplains of the different garrisons inland. The former of
these duties was transferred to the Archdeacon in 1816 by the
order of the Governor in Council. The latter duty remained

^ See Lawson's Memories of Madras, p. 273.

136 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

with the Senior Presidency Chaplain till 1831, when the duties
and the records were transferred by order of Government to
the Registrar. Thus by degrees the Archdeacon became the
head of the Ecclesiastical Department, and the functions of
the Senior Presidency Chaplain ceased.

The Bishop of Calcutta plamly saw that he and his officials
must have administration as far as possible in their hands.
He therefore moved the Governor- General of Fort William in
Council to issue three rules regarding their control over and
relationship to the Chaplains.^ The first rule provided that
nominations to stations should originate with the Bishop,
who was to communicate them to the local Governments. The
second rule provided that Chaplains on appointment and
arrival should report themselves to the Bishop, or the Arch-
deacon in his absence. The third rule provided that all of&cial
correspondence relatmg to the duties and concerns of the
clergy should in future be carried on with the Bishop, or in his
absence with the Archdeacons of the respective Presidencies.
Had the rule said ' communications ' instead of official ' corre-
spondence,' it would have mcluded the official reports from out-
stations, wdiich had up to that time been sent to Government
through the Senior Presidency Chaplain. The term actually
used enabled Edward Vaughan to retam the substance of his
old official position, whilst Archdeacon Mousley performed the
new duties of his new office. This curious result would not have
been arrived at if the senior of the two men had been appointed
to the office and dignity of Archdeacon.

In addition to the Resolutions mentioned above the Gov-
ernor-General in Council passed and published two others.
One was that the Secretary in the Military Department should
make a compilation of the existing rules and orders for the
guidance of Chaplains for the information of the Lord Bishop,
to enable him to prepare such new rules and orders as he might
deem expedient for the better management of the Ecclesiastical
Department confided to his charge by His Majesty's Letters
Patent. The other was that copies of all the resolutions should
be sent to the Military Department for transmission to the

* Resolutions of the Governor-Oeneralin Council, Nov. 1, 1815 ; Proclamation
of the Governor of Fort St. George in Council, Jan. 18, 181G.

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS 137

military authorities at the various military stations for their
guidance.

Bishop Middleton on his arrival at Calcutta found it im-
possible to work without a Eegistrar in each Archdeaconry.
The Letters Patent enabled him to make appointments, but
gave no indication as to the source from which their salaries
were to be derived. He therefore wrote to the Governor-
General in Council and explained that in England registrars
were remunerated by the fees on the instruments and
documents they prepared and registered ; but that in India
these would be comparatively few, and the returns from
them inadequate. The Government recognised the import-
ance of the work registrars had to do, and fixed a scale of
remuneration which, added to the probable amount to be
derived from fees, they thought would be sufiicient for the
purpose.

During the time these changes were taking place the Church
on the Choultry Plain was being built. At the time Archdeacon
Mousley was instituted it was nearly finished and ready for
use. After the Institution the Presidency Chaplains, Edward
Vaughan and Marmaduke Thompson, and some of the principal
inhabitants petitioned the Bishop for a licence to use it. The
Bishop sent the licence to the Archdeacon authorising the
Presidency Chaplains to perform divine service in it for two
years. On April 30, 1815, they conducted the first services in
the new building.

At the end of the same year the Archdeacon received a
mandate from the Bishop notifying the primary visitation
of the Archdeaconry of Madras, requiring the Archdeacon
to cite all priests and deacons in Holy Orders to appear, and
inhibiting the Archdeacon from all ecclesiastical jurisdiction
during the period of the visitation. The mandate was pub-
lished in the Government Gazette, together with a notice
that Confirmations would be held at the Choultry Plain
Church and other centres. The Bishop also sent printed
copies of a Confirmation address, which were to be
forwarded to all the Chaplains and read by them to their
congregations.

There were no missionaries in Holy Orders at the time ;

138 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

consequently the only persons cited were the Chaplains. Of
these there were fourteen :

Edward Vaughan. Morgan Davis.

Marmaduke Thompson. Thomas Wetherherd.

Charles Ball, D.D. James Hutchison, LL.D.

William Thomas. Joseph Brackenbury.

. W. A. Keating. Henry C. Bankes.

John Dunsterville. William Roy.

Richard Smyth. James Traill.

Half the number were excused attendance owing to their
distance from the Presidency town ; but the following eight
answered their names and took their part in. the visitatorial
proceedings : Vaughan, Thompson, Ball, Thomas, Keating,
Smyth, Davis, and Traill. The Bishop recognised the seniority
of Vaughan, as well as the great respect in which he was locally
held, by appointing him to preach the Visitation sermon.

On January 8 St. George's Church was consecrated. On
the 9th the first Confirmation in the Presidency Church was
held. Two hundred and seventy-eight Europeans and Eurasians
were confirmed. All their names were registered in the Arch-
deacon's Act Book. Many past and present Madrasis will
recognise with interest such names on the list as Anderson,
Balfour, Casamajor, Bazely, Bahnain, Franck, Forsyth,
Goldingham, Godfrey, Hunter, Harington, Hickey, Kennet,
Prendergast, and Eicketts.

On January 11 the Visitation took place. On January 22
the ground ' surrounding St. George's Church ' was consecrated.
The records so far discovered do not show the precise limits of
the portion so set apart. When the Church was consecrated
the Bishop refused to consecrate the ground, as it was not
enclosed. Between the 8th and 22nd there would not have
been time to enclose the whole compound adequately. It
seems most probable that a sufficient portion in the south-east
corner for immediate use as a burial-ground was hastily en-
closed, and then set aside by the Bishop's decree and blessing
from all profane and common uses.

The Bishop then proceeded to license the eight Chaplains
who were present. They subscribed the Thirty-nine Articles,

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS 139

the three articles of Canon 36, the declaration of assent
to the Book of Common Prayer ; they took the oaths of
allegiance, supremacy, and of canonical obedience ; and they
were licensed as follows :

St. George's, Choultry Plain.

Vaughan

Thompson'

Keating . St. Mary's, Fort St. George.

Davis . The Church in Black Town.

These were the only three consecrated Churches at the time.

Ball . St. Thomas' Mount Chapel.

Thomas . The Chapels in the Cantonment and Fort

at Bangalore.
Smyth . The Chapels at Arcot, Vellore, and

Wallajahbad.
Traill . The Chapel at Poonamallee.

Before leaving Madras Bishop Middleton drew up parochial
boundaries to define the jurisdiction of the Chaplains at the
Presidency. To the Fort Chaplain was allotted Chintadre-
pettah, Egmore, Pursewalkum, Vepery, Perambore, St. Thome,
and Triplicane. To the Black Town Chaplain was allotted the
whole of the military boundary of the Black Town, and the
houses outside that boundary on the north. To the St. George's
Chaplains was allotted the rest of Madras. The four Chaplains
were ordered to take a week's duty at the St. Mary's cemetery
in turn. The licences for erecting tombs were to be granted
by the Chaplain to whom the funeral duties belonged. Three-
fourths of the fees were to be divided between the four Chap-
lains ; the other fourth was to be credited to the St. Mary's
Charity School in the Fort. The St. Mary's Chaplain was to
visit the military part of the General Hospital ; the Black
Town Chaplain the rest.

Before the Bishop proceeded on his tour southward, the
Registrar, Robert Orme, petitioned that his Lordship would
excuse him and would appoint a deputy to accompany him..
The petition was granted, and William Henry Abbott, gentle-
man, was appointed to perform the duties of the Registrar
in Orme's place during the tour. Before assuming office

140 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Abbott was required to subscribe the Thirty-nine Articles,
the lirst and third articles of Canon 36, the fii'st clause of
the second article of the same canon, and to take the oaths of
allegiance and sui3remacy and of his office.

The Bishop then went south and afterwards to the west
coast ; and the Archdeacon's Act Book shows that during his
tour he consecrated the Church of St. John at Trichinopoly,
and licensed H. C. Bankes to officiate in it ; that he licensed
the chapel of St. Mary at Arcot for divine service till such tune
as it should be consecrated ; that he licensed John Dunsterville
to officiate at Cannanorc, and James Hutchison to officiate
at Quilon in the buildings then used at these places for divine
worship.

There is no record of any consecrations except that of St.
John's, Trichinopoly. Probably the other buildings were not
fmished, or were not properly furnished, and the burial-grounds
were not properly enclosed.

During the next three years the Archdeacon was the
Commissary of the Bishop and licensed the clergy as they
arrived.

In March 1819 the Bishop held his second triennial visitation
of the Archdeaconry. As before he issued his mandate,
inhibited the Archdeacon from the exercise of his jurisdiction,
and instructed him to cite the clergy to appear before him at
St. George's. Twenty clergy were cited, but all were excused
attendance except the five in the Presidency town and the
Chaplains of St. Thomas' Mount and Poonamallee.

On his arrival the Bishop mtroduced a change in the system
of licensing the clergy. Three years before he followed the
custom of the English Church and licensed the clergy to
officiate in a fixed place. The exigencies of the service made
changes of station necessary, and sometimes more than one
change in the course of a year. A fresh licence for every change
was a grievous and unnecessary expense to the Chaplains. The
Bishop therefore introduced the system of granting a general
licence to officiate in the Archdeaconry, and of endorsing the
licence when a change was made from one station to another.
A confirmation was held at St. George's on March 23,
181'J, and 247 persons were confirmed, among whom one note^

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS 141

such well-known names as Branson, De Meuron, Dunhill,
Calcler, Guest, Hitchins, Leonard, Lumsden, Mourat, Nailor,
Nuthall, Pouchard, Ringrow, Saalfelt, Sewell, Starkenburg,
Sherman, Vigors, and Zscherpel.

On April 8 the Bishop consecrated the St. Mary's burial-
ground on the petition of the Fort Chaplains and some of the
principal inhabitants. The portion consecrated included the
enlargement northwards which was carried out in 1801,

On April 13 the Bishop consecrated the Church of St. Mary
Magdalen, Poonamallee, and the burial-ground of that station.
The petition to consecrate was signed by Wilham Malkin the
Chaplain, Captain John Hamilton Edwards the Commandant
and other officers. By order of the Government Captain
Edwards presented the necessary deeds of donation which the
Bishop laid upon the altar. At the conclusion of the services
the acts of consecration were duly registered.

Li the year 1811 Edward Vaughan obtained through the
Directors a commission from the Archbishop of Canterbury to
consecrate the cantonment Church at Masulipatam. In 1813
he obtained a similar commission to consecrate the Churches
at Cannanore, Bangalore, Bellary, Trichinopoly, and the Fort
Church at Masulipatam, together with their burial-grounds
and the burial-ground of St. Mary's, Fort St. George.^ In
1816 Bishop Middleton consecrated the Church and burial-
ground at Trichinopoly ; and it was hoped that in 1819 he would
consecrate the rest. Being unable to do this, he licensed the
use of the buildings at Bangalore, Secunderabad, and MasuH-
patam Fort, and the Chaplains who were to officiate in them.
Chaplains were licensed to officiate at Cannanore and Bellary,
but by a curious oversight the buildings at those two stations
were either not licensed, or the Registrar neglected to register
the fact in the Act Book.

Archdeacon Mousley made an inspection tour of the Chap-
laincies in 1816 or 1817 with the sanction of the Government.
Unfortunately no record of it exists except the fact that it
took place, and that it was reported to the Directors in the year

' Letter, Feb. 6, 1810, 296, Public ; Despatch, Feb. 22, 1811, 28, Public;
Letter. Jan. 10, 1812, 38, Public ; Despatch, Jan. 29, 1813, 7, Public ; and
Archdeacon's Act Book under date 1819.

142 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

1817. The Government paid his travelling expenses,^ but the
Directors refused to sanction the payment. They quoted
section 50 of the Act of 1813 as then authority for the refusal.
This section prescribed that the salaries of the Bishop and
Archdeacons ' shall be in lieu of all fees of office, perquisites,
emoluments and advantages whatsoever ; and no fees of office,
perquisites etc. shall be accepted, received or taken in any
manner or on any account or pretence whatsoever, other than
the salaries aforesaid.' The Government of Fort St. George
did not agree that this section of the Act precluded the payment
of travelling expenses, but as the money had been paid more
than a year before the receipt of the Directors' despatch, the
matter was allowed to drop.

Archdeacon Mousley died in August 1819. Bishop Middle-
ton paid a generous tribute to his memory in a letter to the
S.P.C.K. in London.2 He said :

' He was a man of no common endowments ; considerable
as a scholar and a divine, very eminent as an Orientalist,
conscientiously and affectionately attached to the Church of
England, of sound and solid judgement, of sedate yet earnest
piety, and ])lessed with a serenity of mind and a meekness of
deportment such as I have rarely known. The honour paid
to his memory on the day of his funeral evinced how highly his
worth was appreciated by people of every rank in Madras.
By myself his loss must be long felt ; he was my zealous but
discreet coadjutor in an important part of my charge.'

The Bishop nominated Edward Vaughan to take his place,
and issued a commission to the other Presidency Chaplain to
witness the necessary subscriptions, receive the declarations,
and administer the oaths previous to his institution and induc-
tion. He was inducted on May 6, 1820, and read himself in
on the following day. The witnesses who signed the record in
the Archdeacon's Act Book were Eichard Yeldham, John
Gwatkin, Henry Purchas, and George Cadell. The new Arch-
deacon took the oaths of allegiance, abjuration, and supremacy

' Despatch, August 26, 1818, 5, 6, Eccl.

- Consultations of the East India Committee, July 24, 1820, in which is
recorded his letter dated Sept. 21, 1819.

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS 143

in the Supreme Court of Judicature at Madras on August 28 ;
but it does not appear why this course was adopted.

The death of Archdeacon Mousley created vacancies.
Contrary to the terms of the Proclamation of the Governor in
Council dated January 18, 1816, these were filled up by the
Government, who sent the appointments to the Archdeacon
to be registered, and ordered copies to be sent to the Bishop for
his information. This procedure was continued from 1820 till
the arrival of Bishop Heber on his primary visitation in 1826.
As the Bishop endorsed the licences of those who were thus
transferred from one station to another, the procedure had the
Bishop's approval. It is not, however, easy to understand
why the nominations were not made by the Archdeacon, who
was the Bishop's Commissary for this among other purposes.

The year 1824 is memorable for the fact that by that time
the C.M.S. had consented to allow their agents in India,
who were in Holy Orders, to be licensed by the Bishop of
Calcutta according to the custom of the English Church.
Some of their ordained missionaries had been in India
several years working without any licence as if they were
not members of the Church. In 1824 the following appeared
before the Archdeacon as Commissary of the Bishop, subscribed
the usual declarations, took the appointed oaths, and were
duly licensed to officiate in the Diocese among the heathen :
James Eidsdale, William Sawyer, Benjamin Bailey, Henry
Baker, and Joseph Fawcett Beddy. In January 1825 Samuel
Eidsdale followed their example.

Bishop Heber of Calcutta arrived at Madras in February
1826 to hold his first and last visitation of the Archdeaconry.
His Lordship adopted a slightly different procedure from that
of Bishop Middleton. The two Presidency Chaplains, the
Chaplains of Fort St. George, Black Town, St. Thomas' Mount,
and Poonamallee were cited to appear. The rest were cited
and excused, but were required to send their Letters of Orders.
Beside these the Bishop on arrival cited the missionaries of the
S.P.C.K. and the C.M.S. who were working in Madras : namely
Dr. Bottler, Mr. Haubroe, Mr. James Eidsdale, Mr. Sawyer,
and the new arrival Mr. John William Doran, who was licensed
in March 1826.

144 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Bishop Heber was accompanied by the Rev. Thomas
Robmson, his Chaplam. Tlie six Chaplains mentioned and the
live missionaries were present at the Visitation, in addition to
Robmson and the Archdeacon. The Bishop preached at St.
George's Chm-ch more than once, at St. Mary's in the Fort, the
Black Town Church, and at the new Church at Vepery. He held
one Confirmation service for the four parishes at St. George's,
when 475 persons were confirmed. On the following day he
confii-med 104 persons at Poonamallee. Confirmations were
also held at Tanjore and Trichinopoly before the death of
this devoted servant of God in April 1826.

The Court of Directors had under consideration this year
the increase of the retiring allowances of the Chaplains. They
came to the conclusion that in order to get the kind of man they
wished to have they must make the conditions of service
attractive. They could offer no romance such as belongs
to the work of a missionary ; no independence of effort ; no
promise of organising and superintending other men's labours ;
nothing but the routine of pastoral work ; nothing different
from the ordinary work which the clergy carry on at home in a
climate mostly congenial, with the regular enjoyment of the
companionship of their wives and children, who need not be
separated from them either for climatic or education or any
other reason. If the men they wanted were to be attracted
from the pleasant home parishes, the Company was bound to
offer some compensation for leaving such pleasant prospects
behind. They had already increased the pay when serving ;
they now increased the retiring allowance from the pay of a
Major to that of a Lieutenant-Colonel.

After the death of Bishop Heber in 1826 Archdeacon
Vaughan proposed to complete the visitation which the Bishop
had intended to make to Bangalore and the intermediate
stations in North Arcot. A large sum of money which had been
allotted for the Bishop's expenses remained unexpended.
From this sum the Government paid the Archdeacon's expenses;
and reported the fact to the Directors. i

The Durectors rephed ^ by referring the Governor in Council
to their former despatch of 1818, and expressing their dis-

' Letter, July 25, 182G, IG, Eccl. - Despatch, Sept. 5, 1827, 12, Eccl.

THE VEN. EDWARD VAUGHAN, ARCHDEACON OF MADRAS, 1 81 9^1 828.

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS 145

pleasure that their ruling had been set aside. The Council were
convinced of the advantage of inspection and the justice of
charging the Government with the cost of it ; but they were
obliged to acquiesce in the orders of the Directors, though they
did so under protest. They put their case in this way : i

' The Rt. Hon. the Governor in Council regrets that the
proceedings of Government on the occasion in question should
not have been approved of by the Hon. Court. Chaplains in the
service of the Company are allowed remuneration when they
are required to travel from one station to another in discharge
of the different duties required of them ; and the Archdeacon's
tour of visitation, being equally one of a public nature, the
Government were not aware that the restrictions [as to fees,
perquisites, &c.] contained in 53 Geo. Ill, cap. 155, should be
constructed to preclude the grant of travelling expenses to
him also, when employed on official duty. The orders of the
Hon. Court, however, on this subject will in future be strictly
adhered to, unless they shall see lit on this application to direct
that they be not enforced.'

In the year 1827 the Court of Directors called for 2 complete
returns of all baptisms, marriages, and burials ^performed by
civil and military officers at out-garrisons where no Chaplam
resided, from the earliest times in which there were records,
and for quarterly returns in future. The extract was sent by
the Chief Secretary to Archdeacon Vaughan, requesting him
to forward what was required to the Senior Chaplain at the
Presidency. A procedure which had been adopted to save
the dignity of Vaughan under other chcumstances no longer
had that effect when he became Archdeacon.

Archdeacon Vaughan resigned all his offices and went
home in. January 1828. The Directors gave him a special
retiring allowance in recognition of his long and good service,^
and the Fort St. George Government appointed Dr. Eoy,
the Senior Presidency Chaplain, to act as Archdeacon till the
Bishop's wishes were known. The vacancy was filled up on

1 C'cmsultations, Jan. 29, 1828.

- Despatch, July 25, 1827, 17, Public.

'^ Despatch, Sept. 23, 1828, Eccl., para. 3.

146 THE CHURCH IN AIADRAS

May 7, 1828, when the Eev. Thomas Eobinson became the third
Archdeacon of Madras by mduction, after making the usual
declarations and takmg the usual oaths. The service at St.
George's was similar to those m former years. The witnesses
who signed the record m the Act Book were four civilians :
Henry Sulivan Graeme, John Gwatkin, George Hadow, and
George Cadell. Archdeacon Eobmson followed the example
of Vaughan, and took the oaths of allegiance, abjuration, and
supremacy at the Supreme Court of Judicature. He was
nominated to the office by Bishop James.

The fii'st two Archdeacons, Mousley and Vaughan, had
different conceptions of their office from all their successors.
They regarded themselves less as Government officials
than as Church officials and the commissaries of the Bishop.
They modelled their conduct of affans upon that of similar
dignitaries in England. They regarded their official corre-
spondence with the Government as their own private matter,
and took no trouble to preserve it. They looked upon it as a
guide to them personally w^hich could be of no value to their
successors. Archdeacon Eobinson had quite another concep-
tion of his office. He regarded himself as the ecclesiastical
official of the Government, appointed to rule over the eccle-
siastical persons and affairs of the Archdeaconry, with power to
give orders, to rebuke, to mamtain discipline, to deliver charges,
and to hold visitations. His ideal prevailed for some time
after the arrival of the first Bishop of Madras, and was the
cause of occasional conflict betw^een his successors and the
Bishops.

When Archdeacon Vaughan retned in 1828 Bishop James
had just arrived in the country. The new Bishop was unable
to extol the excellent qualities of his head and heart, but the
Court of Dkectors showed their appreciation. Vaughan retired
into private life. On the death of his first wife he married
the widow of Colonel James Colebrooke, C.B., of the Company's
Madras Service, and died at Kingsbridge, co. Devon, in 1849,
aged 83.

Bishop James had not the opportunity during his short
episcopal life of visiting the southern Archdeaconry. He was
consecrated in 1827 and died in 1828. His successor. Bishop

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS 147

Turner, arrived at Calcutta in 1829. In July 1830 he intimated
his intention of visiting Madras. Archdeacon Robinson sent
round a notice of the intention to all the clergy, printed a
confirmation address, and directed the Chaplains to read it in
Church before the morning service on every Sunday till the
Bishop's confirmation took place. The record m the Arch-
deacon's Act Book reads as if this notice were the only prepara-
tion the candidates were supposed to have. But this may not
have been the case. The Bishop arrived on October 16, 1830.
Large numbers of young people were confirmed at various
centres : St. George's, 95 ; Fort, 111 ; Vepery, 258 ; Black Town,
56 ; St. Thomas' Mount, 41 ; Poonamallee, 72. There were also
confirmations at Tripassore, Vellore, Arcot, Bangalore, and
Yelwall near Mysore, but the numbers of confirmees at these
stations is not recorded.

Bishop Turner consecrated several Churches and burial-
grounds during his visitation tour, of which hereafter. He also
held at St. George's, Choultry Plain, the first Ordination service
of the Church of England in southern India. On November 7,
1830, he ordained three deacons, James Payne Horsford, Edward
Dent, and John Devasagaiyam of the C.M.S., and one priest,
John Heavyside, of the S.P.G. The Rev. John Devasagaiyam
was the first Tamil clergyman to receive Holy Orders. Arch-
deacon Robinson preached the Ordination sermon.

On November 11, 1830, the Bishop held his primary visita-
tion at St. George's Church, when the following clergy answered
to their names :

W. Roy, St. George's. Dr. Rottler, S.P.G.

H. Harper, St. George's. J. Heavyside, S.P.G.

F. Spring, Poonamallee. E. Dent, C.M.S.

R. A. Denton, Fort. J. Devasagaiyam, C.M.S.

F. J. Darrah, Black Town. C. Blackman, C.M.S.

W. Sawyer, Bishop's Chaplain. J. Marsh, C.M.S.

Bishop Turner died at Calcutta in the following August
greatly regretted. His successor Bishop Daniel Wilson was
consecrated in 1832. He made his primary visitation of the
Archdeaconry of Madras in 1834. He arrived with his domestic
Chaplain, the Rev. Josiah Bateman, on December 10, 1834,

L 2

148 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

and commenced his episcopal duties at once. Like his pre-
decessors he inhibited the Archdeacon from exercising the
powers of his office dmung his stay in the Archdeaconry ; but
it is not easy to see why this action was necessary. Confirma-
tions took place at St. George's, 136 ; St, Mary's, 183 ; Vepery,
200; St, Thomas' Mount, 67; Cuddalore, 24; Pondicherry,
9 ; Wallajahbad, 86 ; Vizagapatam, 57. Total, 764,

The Bishop's visitation took place at St. George's on
December 23, and the following answered their names :

H. Harper, St, George's. Dr. Eottler, S.P.G.

F. Spring, St. George's. C, Blackman, C.M.S.
E, A, Denton, Fort, E. Dent, CM.S,

W, T. Blenkinsop, St, C. Calthrop, S.P.G,

Thomas' Mount, John Tucker, C.M.S.

G. J, Cubitt, Vepery. G. Pettitt, C.M,S,
G. W. Mahon, Poonamallee.

After fulfilling his engagements in and near Madras, Bishop
Wilson went to Tanjore and held an Ordination service at St.
Peter's Church. The following were ordained on January 31,
1835:

Deacon. — John Ludovick Irion, S.P.G.

Priests. — Thomas Carter Simpson, S.P,G.
Edward Jarrett Jones, S,P,G,
Daniel Valentine Coombes, S.P.G.
Adam Compton Thompson, S.P.G.

On his way back to Madras he consecrated the burial-
ground at Cuddalore which had been recently enclosed by the
Government, and held confirmation services at Pondicherry
and Wallajahbad.

On his arrival at Madras there was an Ordination service
at St. George's, when the Eev. Charles Calthrop and the Eev.
John Ludovick Irion were ordamed Priests. Calthrop was a
graduate of St. John's College, Cambridge, who came out to
take the place of the Eev. John Heavyside at the Vepery
Seminary, Heavyside had been overcome by the climate and

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS 149

had been obliged to retire. The Senior Presidency Chaplain,
Henry Harper, was selected to preach the sermon on this
occasion. The Ordination took place on February 18, 1835.

Two other important functions Bishop Wilson fulfilled
before bringing his visitation to an end ; one was the consecra-
tion of the Pursewalkum (Vepery) burial-ground. Like all
other consecrations this was done on the petition of the Chaplain
and the principal inhabitants, and with the consent of the
Government. The other was a special visitation of the old
Vepery mission— origmally S.P.C.K., but at this period partly
S.P.G. and partly C.M.S.— at the Vepery Church. There were
present Dr. J. P. Eottler, J. L. Irion, and C. Calthrop of the
S.P.G., and G. Pettitt and E. Dent of the C.M.S. Beside these
there was the European catechist, Augustus Frederick Caem-
merer (S.P.G.), who was soon after ordained ; all the native
catechists, teachers, and schoolmasters of the two missions, and
many native Christians. It was a conference on the subject
of the unhappy caste disputes which were then paralysing the
work of the missionaries in Madras and other places m the
south. An account of it is given in the ' Life of Bishop
Wilson.'

When this was over the Bishop retraced his steps northward,
and held a Confirmation service at Vizagapatam on February
26, 1835. This was the last of the visitations of the Bishops of
Calcutta, for before the year was out the first Bishop of Madras
arrived at the Presidency.

Note

The following are the consecrations which took place in the Presidency of
Madras before the establishment of the Madras Bishopric :

1. Churches.

St. Mary's, Fort St. George, by Commission from the Archbishop of Canter-
bury, 1680.

St. Mark's, Black Town, by Commission from the Archbishop of Canterbury,
1804.

St. George's Cathedral, by Bishop Middleton, 1816.

St. John's, Trichinopoly, by Bishop Middleton, 1816.

St. Mary Magdalen, Poonamallee, by Bishop Middleton, 1819.

St. Thomas, St. Thomas' Mount, by Bishop Turner, 1830.

St. Mark's, Bangalore, by Bishop Turner, 1830.

St. Stephen's, Ootacamund, by Bishop Turner, 1830.

150 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

2. BuriaJ-grounds.

St. George's. Madras, b}' Bishop Middleton. 1S16.

St. Mary s. Fort St. George, by Bishop Middleton, 1S19.

St. Mary Magdalen, Poonaraallce, by Bishop Middleton, 1819.

St. Thomas' Mount, by Bishop Turner, 1830.

St. Mark's, Bangalore, by Bishop Turner, 1830.

Fort. Bangalore, by Bishop Turner, 1830.

Seringapatam, by Bishop Turner, 1830.

Churchyard, Mysore, by Bishop Turner, 1830.

Cuddalore, bj' Bishop Wilson, 1835.

Pursewalkum (Vepery), by Bishop Wilson, 1835.

CHAPTEE VIII

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS UNDER THE BISHOPS

OF CALCUTTA — Continued

Archdeacon Robinson. His first visitation. His issue of licences and faculties .
His report to Government. Marriage licences. Registrars' fees. Arrival
of bells from England. 1828. Government action on the Archdeacon's report.
Archdeacon's second tour of inspection. His third tour. His report. The
action of Government upon it. His travelling expenses. Proposed
revision of registrars' fees. Sick leave for Chaplains. Lay Trustees for
each station Church. Rules for their guidance. Archdeacon's directions
to the Chaplains regarding Committee meetings and books. Letters testi-
monial. Size of monuments limited. Code of leave rules. Chaplains to
visit out-stations. Rules relating to Chaplains and their duties, 1832.
Subsequently adopted in Bengal and Bombay. Henry Harper acting
Archdeacon. The employment of missionaries to visit stations without
Chaplains. Archdeacon Robinson's second visitation. Withdrawal of
mihtary guards from Churches. Appointment of extra peons in their
place. The Archdeaconry made a Bishop's See, 1835.

The Venerable Thomas Eobinson, the third Archdeacon of
Madras, went to India as a Company's Chaplain on the Bombay
establishment. When Bishop Heber was on his tour of visita-
tion in the Bombay Presidency he met Eobinson, and being
attracted by the combined elegance of his manner, mind, and
scholarship, he invited hhn to become his domestic Chaplain.
Henceforth Eobinson accompanied the Bishop on his tours.
He was with him at Trichinopoly ; he recovered the Bishop's
body from the fatal bath ; conducted the funeral service at
St. John's Church in the cantonment, and preached the funeral
sermon. His intimacy with the Bishop enabled him to know
the Bishop's mind on various intricate ecclesiastical questions
in the Archdeaconry, and the Government of Madras invited
him to make a report on the ecclesiastical affaks of the places

152 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

he had visited with the Bishop, such as the Bishop himself
would have made if he had lived.

On the completion of this duty he returned to Calcutta to
await the arrival of the Bishop's successor. During this in-
terval he officiated at the old Church, and spent his spare time
in translating a portion of the Bible into Persian ; and when
Dr. Mill, the Principal of Bishop's College, fell ill, he officiated
as Principal till his recovery. He had an unfortunate dispute
with Dr. ]\Iill, the memory of which will live long, for it is
recorded m a published diary of singular interest. i According
to the writer, Robmson behaved in the way one would expect
from a chosen associate and friend of Heber. Bishop John
Thomas James arrived at Calcutta in January 1828. Dr. Mill
lost no time in placing the whole dispute before his lordship, and
asking for judgment. Very soon afterwards the Archdeaconry
of Madras became vacant, and the Bishop solved the knotty
question at issue by promoting Robinson, and thus separating
the disputants.

The new Archdeacon had a better knowledge of the eccle-
siastical duties of his office than either of his predecessors. He
had also studied the wording of the Royal Letters Patent
creating his office, and grasped the fact that he was the Com-
missary of the Bishop ex officio, without further appointment ;
and he knew enough of ecclesiastical law to understand that a
commissary is something more than a mere business agent. He
at once put his ideas into practice, and gave notice of his primary
visitation. This was held on July 14, 1828, when the following
answered their names, all other Chaplains and missionaries of
the Church Societies being excused on account of distance :

W. Roy, Senior Presidency Chaplain.

W. Moorsom, B.A., Junior Presidency Chaplain.

T. Lewis, M.A., St. Mary's, Fort St. George.

T. Wetherherd, M.A., Poonamallce.

J. Hallewell, M.A., Black Town.

W. T. Blonkinsop, B.A., St. Thomas' Mount.

J. P. Bottler, Ph.D., S.P.G. missionary at Vepery.

J. C. Kohlhoff, S.P.G. missionary at Pulicat.

1 The Journal of Mrs. Fenton, pp. 1G5, 184, cd. 1901.

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS 153

P. M. D. Wissing, S.P.G. missionary at Vepery.
James Ridsdale, C.M.S. missionary at Black Town.
W. Sawyer, C.M.S. missionary at Perambore.
J. W. Doran, C.M.S. missionary at Perambore.

Of these Rottler and Kohlhoff were the old missionaries of
the S.P.C.K., who had been transferred to the S.P.G. Wissing
was much younger than either of them. He had been appointed
by the S.P.G. after the transfer of the S.P.C.K. mission field
to them had taken place. Eottler and Wissing were in Danish
episcopal orders ; Kohlhoff was in simple Lutheran orders.
Archdeacon Robinson knew the kind of work they were doing
and the excellency of it. As a matter of Church order and
discipline he was of opinion that the agents of the Church
Societies should be recognised as fellow labourers, receive the
licence of the Bishop, and be summoned to the Visitation.
With this opinion Dr. Rottler agreed. Accordingly he took
the required oaths, subscribed the usual declarations and
articles, and was licensed on July 9, a week before the Visita-
tion. Kohlhoff hesitated about the licence. He had officiated
for over forty years without one, and did not see the necessity
of it. Wissing, who possessed the licence of his own Danish
Bishop, had made up his mind to refuse it.

Up to this time episcopal licences and faculties had been
granted by the Bishop of Calcutta himself. In June 1828
Bishop James delegated his authority to the Archdeacons as
his special commissaries to grant these, and to administer the
oaths to registrars on their appointment. In his capacity as
special commissary the Archdeacon on July 13, 1828, licensed
the new Chapel at St. Thomas' Mount for divine service upon
the petition of the Rev. W. T. Blenkinsop and the principal
residents. He also licensed the new building at Vepery on the
petition of the Rev. J. P. Rottler and others, and the new build-
ings at Perambore and South Black Town on the petitions of
William Sawyer, James Ridsdale, and the principal inhabi-
tants of those districts respectively. On July 22 he granted a
faculty for the erection of a monument in St. George's Church.
The general effect of this delegation of power was convenient
to all concerned. But there was an unforeseen effect. The

154 THE CHURCH IN IHADRAS

fees of the registrars at Madras and Bombay were increased,
and those of the Calcutta registrar were correspondingly
reduced. The latter complained, but after a long official
correspondence the question was settled.

On the completion of his primary visitation of the Presidency
and of the Chaplaincies within easy reach of it, the Archdeacon
made a report to the Government of Fort St. George,i and
embodied m it certain requests and suggestions. He began by
deploring the fact that his predecessors had left no records
of any kind to guide him in his official intercourse with the
Government on the one hand, nor the Chaplains on the other,
and he begged that copies of all official correspondence between
his predecessors and the Government might be sent to him for
information. Then he complained of the incompetency of the
registrar to assist him in any case of legal difficulty. But he
paid a tribute of praise to Dr. William Roy, ' who executed the
duties of the archdeaconry ' during the vacancy, for the
care, method, and exactness which he had mtroduced into
the office. After this his report continues under different
headings, thus :

St. George's. — The efficiency of the whole establishment was
highly creditable to all concerned.

St. Mary's. — Private complaints of irregularity and omissions
had been made to him, but nothing to warrant his interference ;
and when he visited the Church nothing could be more decorous
than the performance of divine service. But these complaints
prompted him to suggest the establishment of a system of
churchwardens, who could reply to inquiries by the Bishop or
the Archdeacon, and be the mouthpieces of the congregation
in preferring complaints when necessary. He suggested that
two of the principal inhabitants of the station (one civil, if it
be a civil station, and the other military) might be appointed
trustees of the Church or Chaplaincy with great advantage to
the Bishop, the Archdeacon, the Chaplain, and the people.

Black Town. — He reported that Mr. Hallewell was most
exemplary in the discharge of his duties, but that he was
reluctantly compelled to ask for sick leave on medical certificate.
The Archdeacon recommended that the leave be granted, and

» Bishop's Office Records, July 1828.

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS 155

that the Eev. P. Spring, being the best fitted of all the Chaplains
for the post, be transferred from Quilon to succeed him. He
also asked for a font.

Vepery. — This populous and important district was most
happy in the provision made for its spiritual wants. The
two Presidency Chaplains regularly divided the work of minis-
tering to a congregation of about 450 people in the mission
Church. But it was necessary to contemplate the necessity
of erecting a separate parish Church for the European and
Eurasian congregation, and of appointing another Chaplain at
the Presidency in the near future. The Archdeacon urged the
expediency of appointing Chaplains to minister in these two
districts, and the Government accepted the plea and recognised
the claim.

St. Thomas' Mount. — He thanked the Government for
building the beautiful and commodious Church at this station,
which he himself had ' opened ' and licensed on July 13, 1828 ; i
and he asked for the usual establishment and allowances for a
Church of its size.

Poonamallee. — He represented the need of a font, and of
some new furniture, includmg new rails round the altar; and
especially the provision of a Depot School for the children of
the pensioners, invalids, and soldiers in the station, of whom
there were at that time over sixty. The school might be of the
same kind as the garrison school at Vizagapatam and subject
to the same regulations.

Finally, he brought to the notice of Government by order of
the Bishop the curious system which had accidentally grown
up in the Presidency, by which all returns of regular ecclesiasti-
cal duties (baptisms, marriages, and funerals) performed by the
Chaplains had been sent to the Registrar of the Archdeacon,
whilst all returns of similar offices performed by laymen or
missionaries had been sent to the Senior Presidency Chaplain
under the old order of Government dated March 27, 1805. He
represented that when the Archdeaconry was founded, the
returns of the Hon. Company's Chaplains were transferred to
the Archdeacon's office, but that all other returns were retained
by the Senior Chaplain. And he asked that for the sake of

' The licence was registered on July 15.

156 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

uniformity all returns should be made to the Archdeacon's
Registrar.

At about the same time as the arrival of Archdeacon
Robmson at Madras the Registrar issued to the Chaplains, by-
order of Bishop James, a circular note, calling upon them to
observe strictly in the solemnisation of marriage the rules
prescribed by the ecclesiastical laws of England. The Registrar
issued the three rules which had been approved by the Govern-
ment in 1818 and issued in that year by Archdeacon Mousley.
The first of these was : ' In all cases in which a licence is not
obtamed from the Right Hon. the Governor, the publication of
banns must be considered indispensably necessary,' &c.

Archdeacon Robinson represented to the Bishop that it
was no longer necessary for the Governor to issue licences ;
the Bishop replied that he would address the Archdeacon on
the subject soon, and that until then the subject was not to be
mentioned. Bishop James did not live to follow it up. But
it was taken up by his successor. Bishop Turner, and the rule
was altered so that marriage licences according to English
ecclesiastical law were to be issued by the Bishop and his
surrogates in the future. His Excellency the Governor retained
the power of allowing or forbidding the marriage of a Company's
servant who was under age. The Hon. Company placed him
in loco parentis with regard to their young civil and military
officers. If he gave his consent the episcopal licence might
issue ; if he withheld it, it might not.

This welcome change was accompanied by one that was not
so welcome. Bishop Turner sanctioned a scale of fees payable
to the registrars for preparing legal documents connected with
licences, institutions, consecrations, &c., which were so high
as to be severely felt by all who had to pay them. These were
some of the charges :

Ordination fee .

Rs.32

Every licence

Letters Testimonial

Petition for consecration

of building

not the

property of the Government

Consecration of the same

160

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS 157

Petition for consecration ofburial-ground not

the property of the Government . . Rs.32

Consecration of the same . . . . 160

Tliese consecration fees were ahnost prohibitive ; very few
mission Churches were consecrated in the early days of Church
building ; the Societies refused to pay the fees, and there was
no one else to pay them. The buildings were merely licensed,
instead of being solemnly set apart from all profane and
common use, and m course of time the whole reason of the
omission was forgotten.

At the end of 1828 there arrived from England three large
bells and twenty smaller ones. The Chief Secretary requested
the Archdeacon to inform the Mihtary Board how they were
to be appropriated. The Archdeacon gave directions for the
disposal of two large bells, thus : St. George's, Madras, one, and
Vepery one ; and of eleven small ones to these eleven Churches :
St. Thomas' Mount ; Poonamallee ; Arcot ; St. Mark's, Banga-
lore ; Bellary ; Secunderabad ; Nagpore ; Masulipatam Fort ;
Masulipatam Pettah ; Trichinopoly Fort ; Trichinopoly St.
John's. The rest to remain in store.

The Government of Fort St. George took time to consider
the report of the Archdeacon on the state of the Presidency
Chaplaincies. On September 4, 1829, the Chief Secretary
communicated to him their resolution to carry out all his
recommendations, with the exception of establishing a garrison
school at Poonamallee. This did not seem to them to be
necessary, for the children were being taught in a private
school. The Governor in Council said nothing about the
anomalous state of affairs with regard to the returns made to
Government through the Senior Presidency Chaplain. They
were wise in their silence. The Senior Chaplain clung to the
last of his official privileges, and it was wiser to wait for the
next vacancy in the office than to hurt his pride. The oppor-
tunity came at the end of 1831 when William Eoy retired.
The Government issued the order and the transfer was made.
This is the official note of it in the Archdeacon's Act Book :

' Received this day a rattan basket, unsecured, unsealed and
without cover containing sundry original and copies of returns

158 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

and register books received by and lierotofore in possession of
the Eev. W. Roy as Senior Presidency Chaplain in charge of
the Lay Registers which Government had ordered to be trans-
ferred to mj' office. The above documents came without
letter ; and the cooly who brought them said he had received
them from the clerk of the Rev. W. Roy to deliver to me as the
Registrar of the Archdeaconry of Madras ; the Eev. W. Roy
having previously embarked for Europe.

' \^^iich I attest. Frederick Orme, Begistrar.'

Although more than a year elapsed before they gave their
reply, they were fully alive to the advantage of the visitation,
and of having a report on ecclesiastical matters drawn up by
their chief ecclesiastical officer. Before they received the
report they encouraged the Archdeacon to make a visitation of
the northern stations ; to travel through Arcot, Vellore,
Bangalore, Bellary, Hyderabad, Vizagapatam, Masulipatam,
and Nellore ; and to report as before on the condition and
ecclesiastical needs of those stations. Letters were sent to the
civil officials administering those districts requesting that the
Archdeacon's journey might be facilitated by all proper means,
' but that every appearance of state and ostentation might be
sedulously avoided.' The Government also advanced a sum of
Rs.2000 on account of necessary expenses.

The records show ^ that this northern visitation was
carried out ; no report of it was copied into the Archdeacon's
Act Book, and no resolution of Government on the report has
been found. Not long after the arrangements were made, the
Right Hon. the Governor in Council expressed an apprehen-
sion that the unsettled state of the Nizam's country would render
it necessary that the Archdeacon should be provided with a
military escort for his personal security.

In December 1828 preparations were made for a visitation
tour southward. The Archdeacon sent a proposed route to
the Chief Secretar3^ It included Pondicherry, Cuddalore,
Tanjore, Trichinopoly, Palamcottah, Quilon, Cochin, Cannanore,
Mangalore, Outacanmnd, Bangalore, Vellore, Arcot. The
Government agreed, advanced Rs.3000 for expenses, and in-
structed all officers, civil and mihtary, through whose districts

' L\ 102.

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS 159

the Archdeacon passed to pay him proper respect and to
attend to his requisitions. The Quartermaster-general pro-
vided the following equipment by order :

2 Field Officer's tents 14 cart bullocks

2 Subaltern's tents 29 other bullocks

5 Private's tents 6 carts

2 other tents 1 Dhooly

2 elephants 18 lascars and bearers,

4 camels &c.,

and the Archdeacon started on his journey. At the end of the
first stage he was attacked by fever and compelled to return.

A year elapsed before the effort was renewed. He was
advised to shorten the programme, so as to be back in Madras
before the hot weather began in earnest, and he wdsely listened
to the warning. He was absent from Madras during the first
three months of 1830, and on June 1 in that year he sent a
lengthy report to the Governor in Council, The report may
be summarised thus :

Tripassore, an out-station of Poonamallee, where a number of
European pensioners lived under a commandant. He thanked
the Government for having provided a school for the children,
of whom there were about a hundred ; and a building for
divine service, which he proposed to license on his return. He
spoke highly of the judicious work of the Chaplain, the Eev.
F. Spring, and bore witness to the regular and orderly behaviour
of all in the station.

Cuddalore. — Here also were a number of European pen-
sioners, but without the restraining influence of military dis-
cipline. The mission had decreased in numbers, and the
missionary had been sent by the Committee of the S.P.C.K. to a
more important centre. The Chaplain, the Eev. J. Hallewell,
rented the mission bungalow, and superintended the work of
the S.P.C.K. Catechist in addition to his other duties. He
managed a school for the children of the pensioned soldiers
at their lines, and a second English school next to the mission
Church for other Eurasian children ; and he had besides two
Tamil schools. The Archdeacon reported the exemplary
diligence and conduct of the Chaplain. He complained of the

160 THE CHURCH IN IVIADRAS

want of ventilation in the mission Church, and asked the
Government to have this matter attended to by enlarging the
east window, and making a new door at the west end. He
also reported that the monthly visits of the Chaplain to Pondi-
cherry, lately sanctioned at his recommendation, were most
acceptable to the British residents there, who numbered about
lifty adult persons, and that His Excellency the French
Governor had been kind enough to give every facility for the
' decent celebration of the offices of our religion.'

Tanjore. — The Rev. Messrs. Kohlhoff and Haubroe, on the
recommendation of the late Bishop Heber, were ministering
to the English community as acting Chaplains ; the Archdeacon
reported the great advantage and the general satisfaction of
all the residents at this arrangement. He recommended that
the clerk's salary of five pagodas should be paid by the Govern-
ment instead of by the mission. He mentioned that a new
Church had been built by the S.P.C.K., without cost to the
Government,^ and that in it was provided accommodation for
the European residents. He asked the Government to add
what was then wanting m the Church, namely a gallery at the
west end for the organ, and a bell from the Quartermaster-
general's store.

Trichino'poly. — The Archdeacon was pleased with the work
of the Chaplain, the Eev. Joseph Wright, and assured the
Government of his zeal and dihgence in the discharge of his
sacred office. He visited and examined the school of H.M.'s
89th Regiment. But what pleased him most was the Vestry
School, at that time housed at Puttoor in a building erected
in a corner of the compound where the Chaplain lived. He
reported that the school was equally honourable to the liberality
of the station and the care of the Chaplain, who had transferred
it from close quarters in the fort to the healthier atmosphere
of the cantonment. In this school eighteen boys, descendants
of European soldiers, were boarded and educated, and a free
education was given to other Eurasians not eligible for admis-
sion to the charity, without any assistance from the Govern-
ment ; and this by means of a fund which had been originally
raised by monthly collections and judiciously invested by the

' Opened for service Dec. 1829.

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS 161

Vestry Trustees. The Archdeacon reported that the bell
sanctioned for St. John's Church at the end of 1828 had not yet
arrived. He asked the Government to build an open cupola
over the western porch for its reception. He brought to the
notice of the Government the condition of the Fort cemetery at
Chintamony, asking that it might be enlarged and enclosed by
a wall to preserve it from desecration. Finally, he thanked the
Government in the name of the S.P.C.K. and in his own name
for acceding to his request to rebuild the mission Church in the
Fort, ' so hallowed to every Christian mind as the last scene
of the earthly labours of the lamented Bishop Heber.' He
reported that the work was well done ; and on the ground that
the Church was used by the Europeans and Eurasians in the
Fort, he asked the Government to sanction the supply of such
simple articles of furniture as were necessary.

Quilon. — The Archdeacon reported that the new Church was
nearly completed. Whilst regretting that it was so small that
it would only accommodate a hundred people, he said that its
design reflected great credit on the architect. Lieutenant
Green, who had achieved all that was possible with the limited
means at his disposal. He suggested that, as the old cemetery
was crowded, the compound of the new Church should be
extended one hundred yards eastward and enclosed with a
wall and used as a burial place. He reported also that there
were over fifty European children at Quilon needing a school
education, and asking that the Government would sanction
the establishment of a station school and would pay the
schoolmaster.

Cochin. — The Archdeacon mentioned that the appointment
of a Chaplain to Cochin on the recommendation of Bishop
Middleton had had the best results as well as the gratitude of
the numerous residents. Since the death of the first Chaplain,
the Rev. W. R. M. Williams, in 1818, the congregation had
been left to the voluntary ministrations of missionaries. At
the time of his visit the work was being acceptably carried on
by the Rev. Samuel Ridsdale, a C.M.S. missionary in Holy
Orders. Since it was not possible to appomt another Chaplain
to the charge, the Archdeacon asked that Mr. Ridsdale might
be recognised by the Government as the actmg Chaplain, and

162 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

might receive the usual acting allowance. He also reported
that the Church was kept in excellent repair by the residents,
who were of Dutch extraction ; that the Government paid a
clerk and sexton ; that the congregation numbered about
200 ; and that they had expressed their desire and resolution to
conform m every respect with the doctrine, discipline, and
ritual of the English Church. The Archdeacon found, however,
that the clerk was deranged and mcapable, and that the sexton
was ineJBficient and useless ; and he asked that the acting Chap-
lain might be authorised to employ two other men.

Tlie Archdeacon was mformed by the congregation that
there were in Cochin two charitable funds ; one amounting to
Rs.2000 which was left ' for the Church ' by Mrs. Wolff ; and
the other amounting to about Es.4500 which was raised by
subscription in the town by the Eev. W. E. M. Williams for the
establishment of a free school. The former fund was in private
hands, and the latter was in the hands of the Collector ; neither
of them was being put to the purpose for which it was intended.
The Archdeacon asked that these sums might be vested in
himself, and the income administered by the acting Chaplain
and Lay Trustees, mentioning that it was for purposes of this
kind that the Archdeacon was made by Act of Parliament a
Body Corporate.

The report concluded with an expression of thanks to the
Governor in Council for the assistance afforded during this,
as well as durmg his northern tour ; ^ and for the kindness
shown by all the officers of Government in the different districts
through which he passed.

As before the Government took time to consider his report,
and rephed to it a year afterwards.^ They agreed to alter
Cuddalore Church as suggested. They refused to pay the
clerk's salary or to erect a gallery at St. Peter's, Tanjore, on
the ground that the Government could not make contributions
to mission funds nor appear to be a party in mission concerns.
They agreed to add a belfry to St. John's Church, Trichinopoly ;
to enlarge and enclose the Chintamony burial-ground in the
Fort ; and to supply whatever furniture was necessary for public

' This is the only evidence that the northern tour was carried out.
- Letter to the Archdeacon, June 7, 1831.

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS 163

worship in the mission Church in the Fort (Christ Church)
* lately rebuilt by Government.' They directed that the
paragraphs relating to Cochin should be sent to the Resident
and the Chief Magistrate of Malabar for their report. When
their report was subsequently received, all the Archdeacon's
suggestions were accepted and carried out.

The question of paying the cost of Archidiaconal visitations
came to the front again in the year 1828. There was still a
large sum unexpended which had been allotted for Bishop
Heber's tour. The Government of Fort St. George, having no
doubt of the administrative value of such visitations, and
beheving that the Court of Directors would be convinced by
their arguments, placed portions of this sum at Archdeacon
Robinson's service, sanctioned his visitation of all the Chap-
laincies, and wrote to the Court of Directors asking that their
previous orders might not be enforced. i

The Directors were, however, inexorable. They were at
that time meditating reductions in their establishments, and
it is probable that the want of money influenced their judg-
ment. They wrote :

' With respect to the advance of Es.2000 to the Archdeacon
from the balance of the sum sanctioned by us for the Bishop's
triennial visitation, which Bishop Heber left unfinished, and
which the Archdeacon has been authorised to complete in his
tour, we are advised that this grant is equally illegal with
those which we have under Act of 53 George III, cap. 155,
section 50, before repeatedly refused ; and we cannot but
express our disapprobation of these endeavours to violate by a
forced construction our repeated orders founded on the law of
the land. The Act of 4 George IV, cap. 71, section 5, author-
ised a visitation allowance to the Bishop alone, and does not
authorise its being given directly or indirectly to the Arch-
deacon. We of course continue to withhold our sanction from
this grant.' -

It was not possible for the local Government to ignore
the declared will of the Directors after the receipt of this
despatch, nor to hope for their conversion. The Governor in

1 Letter, Dec. 30, 1828. 38-40, Eccl.
- Despatch, April C, 1830, 6, Eccl.

M 2

164 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Council had wiitten more than once to explain the desirability
and the advantage of tours of visitation, and to request that
the orders of the Court m the year 1818 should not be enforced.
Their representations were of no avail ; consequently the
Archdeacon made no more tours after 1830, and submitted
no more reports, but remained in Madras to carry on his official
duties in his private house, until his retirement m January 1836.

In the year 1828 he made an attempt to have the table
of ecclesiastical fees revised. It seemed to him unjust and
improper to charge a missionary Es.64 for his licence. He
communicated with Bishop James, and after that Bishop's
death with Archdeacon Corric the Commissary. Whilst it was
right that the registrar who prepared the documents should
receive a fee for his trouble, he contended that it was in the
power of the Bishop to fix the fee, and he suggested that fees
should be fixed according to emoluments, that is, that the
missionaries should pay much less than the Chaplains.

Neither Bishop James nor Archdeacon Corrie would face
the question. The former gave his verbal sanction to his
registrars to charge fees. The latter said that when parties
were benefited a fee seemed fair, and that only in Government
concerns, such as the consecration of Churches and burial-
grounds for Europeans, must the monthly pay of the registrar
be considered sufficient remuneration for making out the
necessary papers. Archdeacon Robinson did what he could ;
it was reserved for a later generation to do justice to the
missionaries.

It had been the practice hitherto, when any servant of
Government was ill, for him to apply for sick leave and to wait
at his station till he received word that it was granted. The
Rev. Henry Allen, Chaplain of Cuddalore, was sick unto death
in January 1829. He applied for leave, waited, and died on
the 23rd of the month. Archdeacon Robinson asked that in
urgent cases where immediate action was necessary he should
be empowered to grant leave for a short period and report
to Government afterwards. Tlie principle of prompt action
was conceded.

In the year 1805 the Supreme Court of Madras decided that
Vestries in India had no legal powers of any kind. At that

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS 165

time there were three in existence doing useful work, holding
and administering parish funds, maintaining European and
Eurasian schools, and reheving the local Eurasian poor. These
were at Fort St. George, Trichinopoly, and Tanjore. The
decision of the Supreme Court crushed the usefulness of the
first and took the spirit out of the second ; whilst the third died
a natural death. From 1805 to 1829 the Chaplains had to
manage all their local concerns without the help of a Vestry.
Then Archdeacon Kobinson began to see that it would be much
better for the Chaplain and the congregation if a standing
committee of management existed in every Chaplaincy. He
had hinted this in his report to the Government after his first
visitation of the Presidency. At St. Mary's, Fort St. George,
he had heard certain rumours of irregularities in the conduct of
divine service ; he saw none himself, and he urged that if any
reports of shortcomings were to be made at all, they ought to
be made by persons in the position of churchwardens with
official and recognised responsibility.

Encouraged by the Government he devised a scheme of
co-operation between the Chaplain and the congregation, and
in September 1829 he wrote this circular letter to the
Chaplains :

' The Rt. Hon. the Governor in Council having been pleased
to sanction the appointment of two Lay Trustees in each
chaplaincy, members of the Church of England, to act generally
as representatives of the people in all matters relating to the
Church, and together with yourself to form a standing committee
of management, you will oblige me by mentioning the names
of two gentlemen in your station of the highest civil and military
situations who have no objection to undertake that office.'

In September 1830 Archdeacon Robinson was able to send
a letter to the Governor in Council nominating twenty civil
and military officers to ten of the principal stations outside
Madras, together with rules for their guidance. Among the
names were some that were well known subsequently in the
history of the Presidency, such as Captain Coffin (Nagpore),
Brooke Cunliffe (Cuddalore), Lieutenant Leggatt (Vepery).
It is perhaps worthy of remark that Major- General the Right

166 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Hon. the Earl of Carnworth was ono of the nommated Lay
Trustees of St. John's, Trichinopoly.

There is no record to show how this excellent scheme was
received by the Chaplains, but there is some evidence that it
was not received with enthusiasm. In December 1832 the
Chief Secretary wrote to the acting Archdeacon, Henry Harper,
to make inquiries ; and he sent a circular letter to the Chaplains
in which he asked them to nominate fresh officers high up in
their branch of the service, members of the Church of England,
as trustees under the rules of 1830.

A month later he replied to the Chief Secretary that in the
course of his inquiries it had come to his knowledge that the
appomtment of Lay Trustees had never been fully carried out.
Persons had been nominated, but they had not been furnished
with instructions nor called upon to act. Some had been
transferred to other stations without intimation of their
departure to the Archdeacon, and there had been no nomination
of successors in the trust. He therefore asked the Government
to issue a general order appointing Lay Trustees and furnishing
instructions for their guidance.

Accordingly it was resolved in Council on March 5, 1833, to
appoint the two chief officials in each of the twelve principal
out-stations as Lay Trustees, provided that they were members
of the Church of England, and to notify their appointment in
the Fort St. George Gazette, together with the rules drawn up
by Archdeacon Robinson for their guidance, namely :

1. To act generally as representatives of the people in
all matters relating to the Church.

2. To aid and assist the Chaplain in the performance of
his duties.

3. To present to the Bishop or his Archdeacon at their
respective visitations, or hnmediately by letter, any irregu-
larity or scandal connected with Church affairs which may
have occurred within the district.

4. In conjunction with the Chaplain to form a standing
committee of management for all Church matters ; to take
charge of the School and charity funds connected with the
Chaplaincy ; to see that the churchyard and burial-ground
are kept in becoming order ; to take care of the goods,

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS 167

repairs, and ornaments of the Church or other building
appropriated to the performance of divine service ; and to
represent to Government through the Archdeacon any
deficiency in these particulars which they may think it
necessary or desirable to supply.

On the following day, March 6, 1833, the acting Archdeacon
communicated the rules to the Chaplains, and added his
opinion that as the Committee of Management was similar to
a Vestry meeting in England, the Chaplain must always preside.
He also directed that the record of business transacted should
be kept in a separate book from that kept for the Chaplain's
official correspondence.

The principle and practice of parochial administration by
the Chaplain and two Lay Trustees is so sound that it exists
almost as it was originated by Archdeacon Eobinson in the
present day, and the credit of its origin is due to him.

Before the day of Archdeacons it had been the custom for
the clergy returning home to get their letters testimonial signed
by two of their brethren, one of whom was the Senior Chaplain.
This primitive custom went on until 1830, when Archdeacon
Robinson pointed out to the clergy its u'regularity, and told
them that in future letters testimonial would be granted by the
Archdeacon under the seal of the Bishop.

It had not been the custom at any time during the
Company's rule to charge any fee for the erection of
monuments in burial-grounds, except at stations where
there were Vestries. The Company gave the grounds,
and the Company's servants used them free of cost. The
results of this freedom were that sometimes more ground
than was actually requii-ed was taken for a burial, and
that large masonry monuments were erected on the allotted
site. At the present day these immense cenotaphs are
regarded with an amused wonder. The Archdeacon could
see for himself during his useful tours of inspection that, if
there were no rule as to the size of the monuments, the space
allotted for burials in up-country stations would very soon be
filled up. When Bishop Turner visited Bangalore in 1830 and
consecrated the burial-ground on the Agram Plain, he limited
the ground area of monuments to seven feet by three and a half.

168 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

There was, however, some doubt at the time if he had sufficient
authority to lav down a rule of that kind. The Archdeacon
therefore seems to have collected some evidence of inconvenience
fi-om other stations and addressed the Government, suggesting
the propriety of liniitmg the size of monuments ' hereafter to
be erected in the burial-ground of any out-station to the follow-
ing dimensions which were laid down by the late Bishop for
that at Bangalore, namely seven feet by three and a half.'
Five days after the receipt of his letter the Governor in Council
adopted his suggestion by a resolution. i

Up to the year 1830 departmental regulations had been
laid down as occasion required. As the civil, military and
ecclesiastical departments grew in numbers, it became necessary
to have a general code of regulations, to which every officer
could refer. In 1831 the Government of Fort William trans-
mitted to the Government of Fort St. George a series of leave
rules for Chaplains, and recommended that similar rules should
be adopted in the Presidencies of Madras and Bombay. This
was done by resolution, and the new rules of leave and allow-
ances during leave were published in the Fort St. George
Gazette.'-

In March 1832 the Court of Directors wrote to the Governor
in Council at Fort St. George approving the policy of making
the services of the Chaplains as extensively useful as possible,
and regulating the allowances to be paid them for travelling
expenses when visiting subordinate stations within reach of
their headquarters."^

The codification of leave and allowance rules, and the
frequent issue of special rules to meet special cases, had the
effect of causing the Archdeacon to collect together all the
departmental rules regarding Chaplains he could find. They
were becoming too numerous to be easily remembered or to be
easily found and referred to. He therefore codified them, and
submitted them to the Government. He asked that thej^ might
be published in General Orders and in the Gazette, and that he
might have one hundred copies printed separately for distribu-

' Minute's of Consultation, May 8, 1832.

* E.M.C. (extract from Minutes of Consultation), May 31, 1831.

•^ G.O. (Government Order), July 31, 1832.

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS 169

tion among the Chaplains and others. The Government
agreed,^ and the Archdeacon sent out copies to the Chaplains
with this letter dated November 7, 1832 :

' Eeverend and Dear Sir,— Great inconvenience having
been felt by the clergy from the want of a digest of the General
Orders of Government in the Ecclesiastical Department,
many of which are of ancient date but httle known, I have been
engaged in collecting and arranging them ; and they are now
published with the sanction of Government, with such sHght
revisions as the change of times and circumstances have
rendered expedient.

' To these I have added in their proper places such episcopal
regulations as have been issued by the Bishops of Calcutta
in this archdeaconry and are still in force.

' In forwarding you a copy for your information and guidance
I have only to express my hope that it will be found conducive
to your comfort and convenience in the discharge of your
duties, and commending you to the blessing of Almighty God, I
remain,' &c.

The copy contained forty-one rules. They laid down the
duties of a Chaplain on arrival in the country, on arrival at
his station, during the time he was in the station and on
quitting the station ; what he was to do in the case of hindrance
to or non-attendance upon his ministrations ; how and when
he was to baptise, marry or bury, and to register such events ;
that he was to pay attention to the fasts and festivals of the
Church, and to discourage festivities during Holy Week ; that
he was to visit the hospitals frequently, using prayer and
sacraments when required ; that he was to see that the rule
regarding monuments in burial-grounds was carried out ; that
the Archdeacon was the channel of communication between
himself and the Government, so that the Archdeacon might have
the opportunity of making remarks. Besides this the rules
incorporated the new leave and allowance regulations, as well
as those relating to ecclesiastical and criminal offences, and
those relating to letters testimonial.

Bishop Wilson drew up a similar code of rules, which he
called ' Suggestions to the Clergy,' in 1844 ; they were intended

1 E.M.C., Nov. 2, 1832.

170 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

for the clergy of his diocese, and some of the rules applied only
to them. Bishop Cotton revised these Suggestions in 1862
and reissued them for the benefit of the Chaplains on the
Bengal estabhshment. Between times, that is in 1857, Mr.
J. J. Carshore published at Calcutta ' The Bengal Chaplains'
Yade Mecum.'

The Eev. William Ward Nicholls, a Bengal Chaplain,
published a ' Handbook for Chaplains ' in 1867, in which all
episcopal suggestions and rules sanctioned by Government
were included which had not been superseded or altered. At
the present time all these rules and regulations are incorporated
in the Civil Service Regulations and the Indian Army Regula-
tions, and are kept up to date by means of periodical corrections.
But to Archdeacon Robinson belongs the credit of having
originated the idea and practice of a departmental code.

At the end of the year 1832 Archdeacon Robinson went to
the Cape of Good Hope on leave for six months, and the Rev.
Henry Harper was appointed by the Government to act as
Archdeacon during his absence. Henry Harper was two
years senior in the service to Robinson and was a man of very
considerable tact and abiHty. When Robinson resigned his
appointment in 1836, Harper was at once appointed to succeed
him. He remained at the head of the department for ten years,
and guided its affairs with great skill and judgment.

One of the first things he had to do was to make the system
of Lay Trustees and Church committees a reality. This has
been akeady referred to. He came to his office with a practical
knowledge of the work of a Chaplain at more than one large
military station ; he knew how much official correspondence
such Chaplains had ; and how important it was for purposes
of record that their correspondence and reports should be
written on official paper of the regulation size and kind. It
was a period of economy and reductions ; he knew it would be
of no use to ask the Government to issue stationery to the
Chaplains free of cost ; but he did what was under the circum-
stances the next best thing : he obtained for the Chaplains
of the nine largest stations the privilege of getting official
stationery from the public stores on payment.^

' Within a tshort time the stationery was granted free.

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS 171

The Company under the terms of the new Charter of 1833
were about to give up all their trade, and become administrators
only of the country which had — more or less by accident than
design— fallen under their rule. To give up their trade meant
the loss of income. Consequently there were many reductions
in the subordinate establishments of all departments, and the
ecclesiastical department of the southern Presidency was
reduced by Rs.445 per mensem. This meant a redistribution
of the duties of the Church establishments in every Chaplaincy.
Each Church was allowed a clerk, a sexton, and three lascars.
Harper had to define their duties, and did so thus :

Clerk ; not only to be aiding and assisting the officiating
minister in all public and occasional duties, but also to keep the
records, copy letters received and despatched, prepare copies
and extracts from register books, and superintend the sexton
and lascars.

Sexton or Church Keeper ; to be considered in charge under
the Chaplain and Lay Trustees of the building and furni-
ture, the books, robes, lamps, &c., and to see that all is provided
for the due performance of clerical duties in Church, hospital,
and burial-ground.

Lascars ; to be under the orders of the Chaplain, and the
superintendence of the clerk and sexton ; to dig graves ;
to keep the churchyard and burial-ground clean and in
good order ; to toll the bell, prepare the lamps, &c.^

One more matter of importance came before the acting
Archdeacon before the return of Archdeacon Robinson. One
of the Chaplains, Lewis, died ; another, Darrah, had been
transferred to Penang ; as many as the rules allowed were on
leave ; and there were hardly enough men to carry on the work
of the department. A number of out-stations — including
Arcot, Arnee, Vellore, Chittoor, Tripassoor, Poonamallee, and
the smaller stations of Pulicat, Nellore, Sadras, Chingleput, and
Wallajahbad — had to remain for a time unvisited. He thought
that he might be able to obtain the help of some of the mission-
aries of the English Church, and he asked the Government, in

^ The revised establishments, the duties of the different Church servants,
and the allowances of oil, stationery, and sacramentals were approved and
sanctioned by Government, Feb. 12, 1833.

172 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

case he was successful, to pay them the same travelling and
visiting allowances as were allowed by rule to the Chaplains
in the Service. The request was granted.

Archdeacon Robinson returned from leave at the end of
April 1833. Soon afterwards he gave notice of his second
visitation, and on August 13 this was held at St. George's
Church. The establishment of the Bishopric of Madras two
5'ears later rendered visitations by the Archdeacons unnecessary.
Consequently the two visitations held by Archdeacon Robinson
were the only two made by Archdeacons in the southern
Presidency. The Chaplains and missionaries who were in or
near Madras were present ; these were their names :

Henry Harper, Senior Presidency Chaplain (fourth

Archdeacon).
Frederick Spring, Junior Presidency Chaplain.
W. T. Blenkinsop, St. Thomas' Mount.
E. A. Denton, Fort St. George.
H. W. Stuart, Vepery.
Vincent Shortland, a new arrival licensed to Trichi-

nopoly.
J. P. Eottler, S.P.C.K. and S.P.G.
C. Blackman, C.M.S.
G. Pettitt, C.M.S.
E. J. Jones, S.P.G.
E. Dent, C.M.S.

It is a matter of regret that the Archdeacon's Charges are
not extant. He combined high intellectual ability with
practical common sense. His review of ecclesiastical matters,
local and general, must have been both useful and appreciated.

During his absence the number of Church servants had been
reduced, and the military guards had been withdrawn from
Church duty in all the up-country garrisons. The immediate
result was a number of Church robberies. The Archdeacon
wrote to the Government in January 1834 reporting a robbery
at St. Thomas' Mount and the insufficiency of the protection
of the Church property at Trichinopoly. He said :

' I have received several similar statements from other chap-
laincies of the great risk to which the Church property is exposed

THE ARCHDEACONRY OF MADRAS 173

from the removal of the mihtary guards formerly allowed for
the protection of the buildings in military cantonments, and
I think it my duty to bring the subject generally to the notice
of His Excellency in Council.'

He suggested a guard of peons, if possible Christians, but
gave his opinion that a military guard was the only effectual
security. He also suggested the erection of sheds in the corners
of the churchyards for the shelter of the guards.

The Government was not in favour of the employment of
mihtary guards for the purpose. That subject had been
threshed out by the Military Board. But they allowed ^ the
employment of two extra peons at each of the seventeen larger
stations where there was a Church, namely, the four Churches
in Madras, and those at St. Thomas' Mount, Arcot, Bangalore,
Ootacamund, Nagpore, Cannanore, Bellary, Secunderabad,
Trichinopoly, Poonamallee, Vizagapatam, and Cuddalore.
And in a subsequent order ^ grants were sanctioned for the
purchase of brass plates and cloth belts for the peons.

In the Archdeacon's Act Book is entered this letter from
the Secretary of the Court of Directors. It is dated East India
House, June 19, 1835, and is addressed to the Chief Secretary at
Fort St. George.

' Sir, — I am commanded to acquaint you for the information
of the Rt. Hon. the Governor in Council that His Majesty has
been graciously pleased, in accordance with the provision of
the Act of 3 and 4 William IV, cap. 85, sees. 89-100, to
erect the Archdeaconry of Madras into a Bishop's see, and
to appoint the Rev. Daniel Corrie, LL.D., Archdeacon of
Calcutta, to that Diocese. The Rt. Rev. gentleman has been
duly consecrated by the Archbishop of Canterbury, and will
proceed to your Presidency by the ship Exmouth.

* His Lordship will take rank immediately after the Chief
Justice at your Presidency.

' The emoluments of the Bishopric of Madras have been
settled by the provisions of the Act before mentioned.

' In making this communication I am at the same time to
state that the Letters Patent erecting the Archdeaconry of

1 E.M.C., Feb. 14, 1834. - G.O., April 25, 1834, No. 42.

174 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Madras into a Bishop's See, also Letters Patent making a new
division of the Episcopal duties of the Bishopric of Calcutta,
Nvill be prepared and transmitted without delay.
' I have the honour to be, &c.,

' P. AUBER,

' Secretary.'

On October 24, 1835, Bishop Corrie arrived at Madras.
On October 28, 1835, he was enthroned by the Venerable Arch-
deacon Robinson. And on January 7, 1836, the Archdeacon
resigned his appointments in the Company's Service, and
shortly afterwards returned to England.

He was an able man, a great scholar,i full of tact, good
temper and admmistrative ability, and was in the full vigour
of manhood when he went home. It was intended by the
Cabmet which promoted the Madras Bishopric Bill in 1833
that Archdeacon Robmson should become the first Bishop
of Madras.2 Archdeacon Corrie of Calcutta was his senior
in the Service, and had served the Company well in his
pastoral capacity. Corrie was entirely trusted by the C.M.S.,
whose political influence was at that time very strong. It
may be that the Court of Directors of the Company and the
C.M.S. together brought their influence to bear upon the
Cabinet. It may be that Archdeacon Robinson, who had been
in the country twenty years, was unwilling to stay any longer
from considerations of health. There is nothing in the
records to show what happened ; but it is certain that when
Archdeacon Robinson left Madras, India lost the services of a
most distinguished man, well fitted in every way to rule a
diocese faithfully.

' See p. 308. -' g^e pp. 352-3.

CHAPTER IX

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815

St. John's, Masulipatam. — History. Early Chaplains. Early Memorials.
Charles Bathurst and the project of building a Church. The cost. The
delay in building.

St. Mary's, Masulipatam. — General J. Pater. Major Cotgrave's claim.
Chaplains in the nineteenth century. The Company's policy with regard
to mission work after 1833.

Cannanore. — History. The delay in building. Extracts from the letter to
the Directors. Not known to be consecrated. Its enlargement in 1850-
Suggestion to rebuild it nearer the barracks. Archdeacon Shortland on the
position of garrison Churches. Description of the Church.

St. John's, Trichinopoly.— History of the cantonment. The building of the
Church. The Churchyard. Bishop Middleton and the design. The
consecration. The Church Library. The burial of Bishop Heber. His
monuments. Enlargement of bm-ial- ground, 1826. The organs and the
organ gallery. Vestry fund and Vestry school transferred from the Fort
to the cantonment. Sir E. K. Williams and the school. No punkahs
till 1850. AboUtion of the gallery, 1871. Withdrawal of British troops,
1879. Dimensions. Memorial gifts in the Church. Intramural burials.
Some Chaplains in the nineteenth century. Captain George Elers and the
Trichinopoly week.

St. John the Baptist, Masulipatam. — Masulipatam is
historically interesting from the fact that it was the first
port on the Coromandel coast visited by the ships of the
East India Company. When this occurred in 1611 the
country round about it was owned by the Mahomedan
Sultan of Golcondah. He had permitted the Dutch to
establish a factory near the mouth of the river, and to
build a small fort for the protection of themselves and their
property. The Dutch permitted the newcomers to hire
a factory house in the fort and to carry on trade for their
Company. The Dutch were exacting in their terms and not

176 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

very friendly ; ^ but by obtaining a Phirman or licence
from the ruler of Golcondah in 1632 they established their
right to share in the coast trade. Business flourished until
1679, when a destructive storm and flood partially destroyed
the native town and the native weaving industry upon which
the Dutch and English merchants depended.

During this early period the English merchants had the
occasional ministrations of a ship's Chaplain when the Com-
pany's ships were in port. Neither they nor the Dutch mer-
chants had a chapel set apart for the purpose. Services were
held in the Council Chambers. There were three resident
English Chaplains during the period :

Tears.

Joseph Thomson . . . 1653-56

Walter Hooke . . . 1656-69

Thomas Whitehead . . . 1672-76

The last two died at Masulipatam, and were buried in the
' English garden,' which was about two miles W.N.W. of the
Fort and near to the houses where the Englishmen lived.

At the beginning of the eighteenth century the trade of the
place was so small that the English factory was closed, and the
Dutch East India Company were left in possession. They
retained possession till 1750, when the Fort was taken by
General Bussy under orders from M. Dupleix. In 1759 it was
taken from the French by Colonel Forde, and it has remained
since then an English possession.

The memorials of Dutch occupation consist principally of
the monuments of those who died between 1624 and 1750.
The memorial of French possession was the strengthened Fort ;
but the cyclonic storm of 1864 almost completely destroyed it.
The only memorial of the presence of the English merchants at
the place in the seventeenth century is the tombstone of Mr.
John Rowland in a burial-ground at Englishpalem near the
native town. This burial-ground was probably the ' English
garden ' where burials in the seventeenth century took place.

' The English Factories in India, by W. Foster, 1906; Letters received by
the East India Company from their servants in India, by Biidvvood and Foster-
1896.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 177

It contains many broken stones, but only John Eowland's
inscription remains legible.

When the English took possession in 1759 they laid out and
enclosed a military cemetery in the north-west corner of the
Fort. The oldest monument in this burial-ground is that of
Captain Blacker of the 7th M.N.L, who died in 1787. After
that date there is a succession of memorials until the year
1834, when the British troops were withdrawn. Among
those commemorated are Colonel Charles Eraser, who died
in 1795 when in command of the Northern Division —
he was the father of General Hastings Eraser, and General
John S. Eraser of Hyderabad ;— Michael Topping, the civil
engmeer (1796) who surveyed the district and origuiated
the idea of the Godavery anient and the irrigation project
afterwards carried out by Sir Arthur Cotton ; and Charles
Bathurst, the Chaplain (1813), who took a prominent part in
the erection of St. John's Church in the Eort.

There are others also ^ whose names recall the eminent
services of some civilians and soldiers who helped in their
time to consolidate the Indian empire.

When St. Mary's Church was built two miles from the Eort
near the European residences, a burial-ground was laid out near
it. This is still in use. Here lies the body of Kobert Noble,
the pioneer missionary of the C.M.S. m the Telugu country.
The Government of Madras have singled out his tomb as one
of historical interest and keep it in repair.

In 1795 the Brigade of British and native troops was
transferred from Ellore to Masulipatam, as the former was
considered a hot and unhealthy station. They were quartered
in the Fort. At Ellore they had had a Chaplain and the pros-
pect of a Church.- At Masulipatam they had neither. In the
year 1800 a Chaplain was sent, the Eev. E. Vaughan ; but no
effort to build a Church was made in his time. He was suc-
ceeded in 1807 by the Eev. Charles Bathurst. The letter
of Lieutenant- General MacDowall, the Commander-in-Chief,
recommending the construction of chapels in all stations in the
Company's territories where European troops were likely to be
quartered, ' whatever may be urged to the contrary,' was

' See J. J. Cotton's Inscriptions, 1905. - See Church in Madras, i. 415.

VOL. n. N

178 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

written in November 1807. This letter enabled Cbarles
Bathui'st and the civil and military officers to take up the
question. They met and reported to Government that they
Avere unanimous in their wishes to see a Church built. They
urged that there were at the time m the station a regiment of
Eui'opeans, a battery of artillery, and ' a numerous society of
civil and military gentlemen ' ; and they asked the Government
to assist them to carry out their desire. The Government
promised to give 1000 pagodas (£400) and reported the promise
to the Directors. 1 The Directors approved,- and added that
according to the recommendation of the Commander-m-Chief
chapels should be erected upon the same cheap plan at all
permanent military stations to which a Chaplain is attached.
Apparently they thought that £400 would be the total cost of
each building. This placed the Government of Madras in a
difficulty ; for as the estimates for building at other military
stations came m, and were found to be six times as much as
£400, the Government were unwilling to proceed without
further reference. This made a long delay before anything
was done anywhere.

The civil and military officers of Masulipatam showed their
great desne for a Church by contributing 5700 pagodas towards
its cost (£2280). The Government had contributed £400, and
£600 more was requii'ed. They therefore solicited a further
grant. The Government thereupon directed that all money
subscribed by individuals for the buildmg should be paid into
the Treasury, and the building completed by the Engineer of
the Division.'^ The Dii'ectors approved.^ The official return
of the cost of the building ^ was £3363. It is of interest to note
that more than two-thirds of this amount was raised locally.

From time to time repairs and alterations were carried out
both at the Fort Church and the Fort cemetery.*^ A belfry

' Letter, Jan. 31, 1808, 126, Public.

- Despatch, Jan. 11, 1809, 153, Public.

' Letter, March 15, 1811, 650-52, Mil.

' Despatch, April 29, 1814, 71, Mil.

^ Official Return of Churches, 1852.

« Letter, April 30, 1816, 21, Public ; Despatch, Oct. 22, 1817, 19, Eccl. ;
Letter, Oct. 2, 1832, 9, 10, Eccl. ; Despatch, Oct. 9, 1833, 12, Eccl. ; Letter
Dec. 3, 1833, 2-6, Eccl. ; Despatch, June 18, 1834, Eccl.

O *

I- Q
h

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 179

and a compound wall were provided in 1846.1 By that time the
European troops had been removed and the glory of Masuli-
patam as a station had departed. There remained only at that
date a regiment of native infantry with its European officers,
a small official community of civilians, a few European mer-
chants, and a small body of Eurasians, some in the service of
Government and some not.

In carrying out the recommendation of the Commander-in-
Chief and the will of the Government with regard to Church
building there was a delay of four years. General Hay Mac-
Dowall made his recommendation in November 1807. In the
following month two letters in the Military Department went
home" to the Directors advising compliance with his suggestion.
In January 1808 a letter on the same subject was also despatched
in the Public Department, and later in the year another.^
The Directors replied to the first three letters and sanctioned
the necessary expenditure in 1809.* This despatch may have
been lost in transit. The French had war vessels at Mauritius
on purpose to intercept the Company's ships, and were success-
ful sometimes in capturing them. Whatever happened the
despatch of 1809 did not arrive at Madras ; for two years
later the Directors wrote ^ to the Coast Government in the
Military Department : ' You have already had our sentiments
communicated to you in para. 153 of our Letter in the Public
Department dated Jan. 11, 1809.' And six months later they
wrote 6 to the same Government in the Public Department :
' We have already sanctioned in para. 153 of our Public Letter
dated Jan. 11, 1809, the disbursement of Pags.lOOO for the
construction of a chapel at Masulipatam.' In consequence of
the delay Church building was at a standstill not only at
Masulipatam, but at other military stations in the Presidency.
The Port Church at Masulipatam was still unfinished when
the consecration commission and instruments from Lambeth

1 Letters, May 1 and Nov. 24, 1846, Eccl. ; Despatch, Oct. 20, 1847.

2 Letters, Dec. 14, 1807, 49-52, Mil. ; Dec. 24, 1807, 46-52, Mil.

3 Letters, Jan. 31, 1808, 126, PubUc ; Oct. 24, 1808, 168-72, Public.
* Despatch, Jan. 11, 1809, 153, PubHc.

5 Despatch, Jan. 23, 1811, 23, Mil.

6 Despatch, July 10, 1811, 111, 112, Public.

N 2

180 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Palace arrived in 1812.^ It remained unconsecrated till the
station was visited by Bishop Spencer in 1842. Its dimensions
were 71 x 52 x 21 feet. It was in use up to 1864, when a
cyclonic storm, combined probably with a subaqueous volcanic
disturbance,- overwhelmed the Fort and the town and every
fishing village along the coast for eighty miles by means of a tidal
wave. After this Masulipatam ceased to be a military station.
The ruined barracks were pulled down, the Church dismantled,
and the furniture handed over to the C.M.S. for use in the
Pettah Church. When the building was consecrated it was
dedicated to God in honour of St. John the Baptist, but it
was kno^vn by this name from the time it was completed.

In 1845 occm'red one of those disputes between the Chaplain
and the Commanding Officer which were not unusual at that
time, since their relative duties and powers had not been exactly
defined. The General Officer commanding the Northern
District took upon himself to alter the position of the furniture
in the Church on a certain Sunday morning before service, and
claimed the right of fixing the hours of service on week days.
The Government were appealed to and ruled that the General
had exceeded his powers, and that it was incumbent upon him
to avoid in future all similar differences and collisions with
the Reverend Clergy.'^ The Dkectors approved.

St. Mari/s, Maswiipatom.— Major-General John Pater was
stationed at Masulipatam in command of the Northern Division
from 1809 to 1811. The death of a lady in November 1809,
to whom he was greatly attached, was the indirect cause of his
building this chapel in the cantonment, two miles west of the
Fort ; for there was, tradition says, a burial difficulty. No
one knows exactly what occurred. The story told by a native,
who was an old man at the time of the cyclone and was
a boy of fourteen in 1809, was that the body was embalmed,
clothed in white satin and placed in a coffin with a glass lid ;

1 Letter, Jan. 10, 1812, 37, Publio.

- Mr. F. Brandt, Madi-as Civil Service, who was later one of the Judges of
the High Court, Madras, says that the water, as it poured through the Collector's
house with a depth of fourteen feet, was warm. For an account of this catas-
trophe, in which 30,000 lives were lost, see the Kislna District Manual, by
G. T. Mackenzie, M.C.S.

=* Letter, Dec. 23, 1845, 2-0, Eccl. ; Despatch, March 10, 1817, 44, Eccl.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 181

that the coffin was then placed in a verandah room of the
bungalow where the lady died, and remained there for nearly
two years. During this time General Pater conceived the idea
of building a chapel to receive her remains. He obtained the
permission of the Government to do this.^ The Government
reported to the Directors that they had given the necessary
permission ^ to erect the building on Government land, and
the Directors expressed their approval.^

When the chapel was finished the coffin was placed in a
vault in its present position and covered with a polished marble
slab. Over the slab was placed a rich silk carpet. This
covering was destroyed by the sea water in 1864 and was not
replaced.

The chapel, which only measured 60 x 30 x 20 feet, was
not originally intended for public worship. It was completed
at the end of 1811, but the owner did not permit its public
use till four years later. There is a tablet over the north door
recording the day when it was first used, December 10, 1815.

Wlien General Pater left Masulipatam in 1811 for a higher
appointment in Madras, it seemed to those who were left behind
that the memorial chapel might be put to some practical use.
A local committee was formed for the purpose of corresponding
with him.'* It consisted of Colonel Bowness, President; the
four Judges, Webb, Cherry, Travers, and Tod ; the Collector,
G. E. Eussell ; and Captain Burton, who commanded the
Artillery. Dr. William Eoy, the Chaplain, was honorary secre-
tary and treasurer. They represented to General Pater how
great would be the convenience to those who lived in the canton-
ment to have a place of worship nearer to them than the Port.
They undertook the expense of furnishing the building and adapt-
ing it to the requirements of Church worship. The General
was easily persuaded to fall m with their wishes, and when the
building was furnished and ready for use he presented it with-
out condition to the East India Company.'^ The Government

^ Consultations, April 9, 1811.

- Letter, Jan. 10, 1812, 244, Public.

'■^ Despatch, June 3, 1814, 116, Public.

* St. Mary's Church Records.

' Consultations, April 9, 17, 23, 1816, Public.

182 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

of Madras informed the Directors of the ' munificent gift,'
and reported that they had sanctioned a small establishment
for the care and protection of the buildmg, and a palanquin
allowance for the Chaplam.i The Directors acknowledged the
gift and said, without any knowledge of the local ch'cumstances :2
' We appreciate no less the motives which influenced him
[General Pater] in constructing a chapel for divine worship
than his subsequent act of presenting it to the Company.'

Lieutenant- General John Pater died at Madras m October
1817, and was buried in St. Mary's cemetery. By his will
he left 300 pagodas ' to the school now forming at Masulipatam
and attached to my chapel there.' Soon after his death
Major Cotgrave of the Madras Engmeers, who had superin-
tended the construction of the chapel, preferred a demand
against the General's estate for Rs.8080, and brought a suit
in the Supreme Court agamst the executors of the will. The
executors could not prove that the claim had been paid, so
Major Cotgrave obtained a decree. The Government of Fort
St. George paid the amount claimed and reported to the
Directors,^ who, when signifying their approval, declared their
conviction that the debt was unknown to General Pater.

As long as there were British troops in the Fort, the Chaplain
lived there, and the principal services were at the garrison
Church. At St. Marj^'s Chapel there was regular evening
service for the community that lived in the cantonment. After
1834, when the Fort had become very insanitary and the
British troops were removed, the comparative importance of
the two Churches was reversed. The Chaplain took up his
abode in the cantonment, and the principal services were held
at St. Mary's.

At various times repau's and alterations of the structure
took place. In 1846 a l^elfry and a compound wall were
added,' and ten years later it was necessary to renew the roof.^

When ,the 4tli Battalion of European Infantry w^as trans.

> Letter, Sept. 20, 1816, 105, 100, Public.

- Despatch, Oct. 22, 1817, 21, Eccl.

3 Despatch, July 28, 1824, 23, Eccl.

■» Letters, May 1 and Nov. 24, 1840, Eccl.

» Letter, Nov. 11, 1850, 7, Eccl.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 183

ferred from Ellore to Masulipatam in 1795 the Rev. R. H. Kerr
went with them and stayed with them for a short time. He
had no successor till the year 1800. Then there was a succes-
sion of Chaplains till 1834 :

Years.

1800-5

Charles Bathurst

. 1807-13

William Roy .

. 1815-20

Joseph Wright

. 1821-23

Richard W. Moorsom

. 1823-26

Edward P. Lewis

. 1828-34

After 1834 the station was considered too small for the services
of a resident Chaplain, more especially as there was a resident
C.M.S. missionary who was willing to conduct a weekly service
for the Europeans and Eurasians. It was, however, at this
period that the Directors, who were no longer a Company of
merchants but a Company of rulers, thought it incumbent upon
them to sever themselves entirely from all missionary effort.
What they could do and had done as a body of private merchants
they considered that they ought not to do under the changed
conditions of the 1833 Charter. To prevent all suspicion of
co-operation with missionary endeavour they declined further
clerical assistance for their European servants from the mission-
ary clergy of the Church, and sent Chaplains to minister in
their places. Four such Chaplains were appointed between
1844 and 1864 :

Years.

. 1844-47

. 1849-55

. 1855-60

. 1861-64

Henry Taylor .
John P. Pope .

Meade N. Stone
John English .

Then came the cyclone and the ruin of the station. ^ St.
Mary's was not greatly damaged. The C.M.S. determined
to keep open their mission. Very few Europeans remained.
On the recommendation of the Bishop of Madras, St.
Mary's was handed over to the C.M.S. till required for

' John English slept through it, and knew nothing about the awful visitation
till next morning.

184 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

official use. The Government keep the building in repair
and the cemeteries in order, and pay the watchmen. The
missionaries of the C.M.S. provide English services for the
few officials and others who are left in the station.

In 1879 the Church furniture of St. John's in the Fort was
transferred to the C.M.S. for use until otherwise required. ^
Some of this furniture was removed to St. Mary's, hut it was
old and had seen its best days, so that within a few years it
was necessary to replace most of the articles with new ones.
This was effected between the years 1885 and 1890, and in
consideration of the kindness of the C.M.S. missionaries in
providmg services for the English residents the Government
paid half the cost.

St. Mary's Church was consecrated by Bishop Spencer on
January 10, 1842, with the approval and co-operation of the
Government. The official return of the original cost of the
Church made in 1852 was Es.17,099.

There was a small Roman Catholic chapel in the Fort, dating
probably from the time of the French occupation, which had
been used by the Roman Catholic soldiers of the English regi-
ments in succession. This was repaired by Government in
1883 at a cost of Rs.2150.2

Cannanore. — This station is on the sea coast of the District
of Malabar. The District is of great interest because of its
early trade connection with Egypt, Arabia, and the eastern
countries of Europe. Here St. Thomas the Apostle is tradi-
tionally said to have landed and pursued his apostolic labours.
Here the Syrian churchmen of Asia Minor came three centuries
later to the help of the Christians on the coast and impressed
their own churchmanship on them. At Calicut in the same
District the Portuguese adventurers, under Vasco de Gama,
landed in 1498. The population is probably composed of a
greater variety and mixture of races than any other part of
India. There are to be found here descendants of the Aborigines,
the Dravidians, Syrians, Arabs, Jews, Portuguese, Dutch,
and English. The oppressive rule of the Hindu Zamorin of
Calicut caused the inhabitants to seek, in 1770, the protection

> CO., April 1, 1879, No. 1, Eccl.

- G.O., Dec. 10, 1883, No. 3544, Works.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 185

of Tippoo Sultan, the Mahomedan ruler of Mysore. His
oppression and bigotry caused them to seek the assistance of
the English East India Company ; and in 1792 the District was
ceded by treaty to the English. During the last two years of
the century it was the scene of warfare and bloodshed, the
opposing forces being those of Hyder Ali of Mysore and the
Company. As soon as the Mysore power was crushed, British
troops were stationed at Palghaut, Calicut, Tellicherry, and
Cannanore. The last-named place remained an important
military station for over eighty years. It was one of the seven
military stations specified by the Directors in 1805 i as places
where they would be ready to sanction the erection of houses
of worship at a moderate expense.

A similar delay took place in carrying out their intention as
took place at Masulipatam. The delay was partly owing to a
consideration of the cost, and partly to the irregularity of the
arrival of letters from home. It was not till 1811 ~ that the
Governor in Council wrote to the Directors and informed them
of their decision to erect Churches at Bangalore, Cannanore,
Trichinopoly, and Bellary. They said :

938. ' The officers commanding in Mysore and in Malabar
submitted for our consideration the want of a proper edifice at
Bangalore and Cannanore for the purposes of pubhc worship,
and proposed at the same time that buildings for that purpose
should be erected at those stations respectively. We also
received from the Acting Senior Chaplain ^ at the Presidency
an address to the same purport, and suggesting the propriety
of building suitable chapels at the different principal stations of
the Army with the view of rendering the services of the clergy
in this country effectual to the purposes of their appointments.'

939. ' The total want of any buildings of the description above
mentioned, and the important considerations attached to the
maintenance of a due spirit of religion among the European
soldiery, induced us to accede to the recommendation of the
Acting Senior Chaplain ; and we accordingly directed the
Military Board to prepare for consideration plans and estimates
of chapels calculated to accommodate a congregation of from

' Despatch, June 5, 1S05, 9, Public.
2 Letter, March 15, 1811, 938-41, Mil.
^ The Rev. Edward Vaughan.

186 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

400 to 600 persons to consist of the military and other inhabit-
ants at the station in the service or otherwise.'

940. ' In obedience to our orders the Mihtary Board have
submitted the plans and estimates required, which meeting
with our approbation we have directed chapels to be erected
at the several stations undermentioned, viz. at Bangalore,
Cannanore, and Trichinopoly, capable of accommodating 600
persons, and at Bellary 400 persons.'

941. ' The chapels when finished are to be placed under the
charge of the clergymen of the several stations above mentioned.
The amount of the several estimates is pagodas 17,844.'

The estimated cost was about 5000 pagodas (£2000) for
each of the three larger chapels, and about 3000 pagodas (£1200)
for the smaller one.

At the end of 1811 the building at Cannanore was approach-
ing completion. Both it and the burial-ground of the station
were included by the Senior Chaplain in the list of places which
it was desirable to set apart from common use by means of
consecration, when he requested the Government to obtain for
him from the Archbishop of Canterbury the necessary authority
and powers to consecrate. i The authority and the necessary
instruments were obtained and sent ; ^ the Directors paid the
fees ; but the ceremony was postponed in anticipation of the
early arrival of the first Bishop of Calcutta. The delay was
unfortunate, for no record has been found that either the
Church or the burial-ground was ever consecrated at all. It
has apparently been assumed generation after generation that
the consent of the Government and the authority of the Arch-
bishop were acted upon when they were given. It was the
intention to dedicate the building to God in honour of St. John
the Evangelist, and the Church has from the beginning been
known by his name ; but being without proper dedication it
has no ecclesiastical right to the name by which it is known.

In 1833 military guards were withdrawn from all military
Churches in India, and one or more watchmen were appointed
in their place. Two such peons were allotted to Cannanore.^

» Letter, Jan. 10, 1812, 37, 38, Public.

- Despatch, Jan. 29, 1813, 7, Public.

3 Letter, May 27, 1834, 1-4, Eccl. ; Despatch, March 18. 1835, 17, Eccl.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 187

In 1850 the accommodation was found insufficient, and the
Government sanctioned an expenditure of Es.7600 to enlarge
it by the building of wings or transepts. It was proposed
locally to build a new Church in another position nearer the
barracks, and the Church Committee undertook to raise a
considerable portion of the cost of a new building if the Govern-
ment approved of the suggestion. The reason of this desire
was that the Church was 920 yards from the barracks, which
seemed to all in the station an unnecessarily long distance for
the soldiers to march. The Government did not approve of the
suggestion. The application for rebuilding the Church was
sent through the Archdeacon. In forwarding it to the Govern-
ment he remarked that ' this is not the only instance in which
a Church has been erected at Government expense in an ill-
chosen and inconvenient situation ' ; and he added that it was
so ' at almost all the principal stations in the country.' This
generalisation of his was not just. He had in his mind's eye
probably the situation of the Churches at Bangalore, Trichino-
poly, and Secunderabad. At Bangalore and Secunderabad
the cantonments were extensive, and there was one Church in
each place. If it was near one set of barracks, it was bound
to be some distance away from the others ; it could not be near
all because they were not arranged in a circle. At Trichinopoly
there was a desire to have the burial-ground round the Church,
so the Church was built about 600 yards from the barracks.
But in none of these cases could the sites be rightly called ill-
chosen. They were all chosen with deliberation and care. The
difficulty at Secunderabad and Bangalore was surmounted
soon afterwards by the building of other Churches for the use
of the distant portions of the garrisons.

The Government forwarded their proceedings to the
Directors, I who replied : ^

29. ' We must express our regret that you sanctioned so large
an expenditure &c. We do not know when the Church was
built, or who is responsible for its erection such a distance from
Barracks. When the inconvenience of its position had been
placed before you, you should have delayed the enlargement

' Letter. Sept. 10. 1850, 7-9, Eccl.

2 Despatch, March 31, 1852, 29, 30, Eccl.

188 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

till after consulting us, especially as the Church Committee
offered in the event of a new Church being sanctioned, to en-
deavour to raise a considerable portion of the sum required by
private contributions.'

30. ' We much regret to discover from the representations
of the Archdeacon that this is not the only instance,' &c.

On receipt of this letter the Government referred the matter
to the Bishop for inquiry. His report was sent to the Directors,^
who replied : "

' We learn with great satisfaction from the statement of
the Bishop that the situations of the Churches throughout
the Diocese of Madras are on the whole as eligible and con-
venient as could have been selected. ... It is greatly to be
regretted that Archdeacon Shortland made the strong obser-
vations regarding the position of the Churches,' &c.

In the meantime the Church was enlarged and surrounded
with a compound wall,^ and a large addition was made to the
cemetery .+

The official return of the cost of the Church made in 1852
was Rs.42,369. If this was correct the original estimate was
more than doubled. But perhaps the enlargement and the
building of the compound wall and the various necessary
repairs up to that date are included in the sum. The
compound wall had to be almost rebuilt in 1865.^

The size of the Church is 70 x 47 x 41 feet. Each tran
sept is 32 X 24 feet. There are two vestries flanking the
sanctuary each 14 x 12 feet. The addition of the transepts
makes the plan cruciform. The building has a flat terrace roof
over the nave. The west end has a handsome portico with
classical columns and a flight of steps, like all the other Churches
built at this period by the old Madras Engineers. At the present
time there is only one company of European infantry in the
station, and a regiment of native infantry with European

' Letter, Aur. 10, 18.52, 21, 22, Eccl.

- Despatch, Aug. 31, 1853, 20, Eccl.

2 Letter, Nov. 11, 1851, 6, Eccl.

•» Letter, Nov. 1, 1852, 11, Eccl.

^ G.O., Aug. 31, 1865, Nos. 72C-28, Works.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 189

officers. But there is still a considerable number of civilians,
official and non-official, to be ministered to. It is better that
the Church should be too large than too small.

The Eoman Catholic Church in Cannanore has been very
fortunate in getting assistance from the Government in the
past. In 1848 it received a grant of Es.l618 for repairs ; ^
in 1868 it received a grant of Ks.2885 for enlargement ; "
and in 1872 a grant of Es.5506 for the completion of the
enlargement.^

The monumental tablets in the Church record the deaths
of three young officers of the 51st Madras Infantry who lost
their lives in the Coorg war in 1834, and of other officers of
other regiments who died at or near Cannanore. There is
no memorial gift in the shape of furniture ; but all the better
and more expensive furniture has been provided by the
congregation at various times.

The first Chaplain stationed at Cannanore was the Rev.
John Dunsterville. He was there in 1808, 1811, and from
1814 to 1831, when he died. The English residents at the
time erected a handsome monument over his grave in the
cemetery. No other Chaplain was at the station longer than
six years.

St. John's, TricJiino'poly. — The history of Trichinopoly has
already been given when dealing with the story of Christ
Church in the Fort.* It remams now to relate the story of St.
John's. The first move outwards from the Fort in search of
fresh air and health was towards the village of Warriore, where
a cantonment was laid out and bungalows were built. At about
the same time the 19th Dragoons were accommodated with
temporary quarters on ' Trichinopoly Plain.' The Warriore
cantonment was in a low-lying neighbourhood, almost on a
level with the waters of the Wyacondah irrigation channel.
There was a good deal of sickness in the Warriore lines from
which the Dragoons on the higher ground were free. After the

1 Consultations, May 18, 1847, 19, 20, Eccl. ; June 13, 1848, 19, 20, Eccl. ;
Oct. 10, 1848, 13, Eccl.

= G.O., March 25, 1868, No. 63, Eccl.

=* G.O., Sept. 19, 1871, No. 163, Eccl. ; Oct. 16, 1872, No. 191, Eccl.

^ Church in Madras, i. 584-604.

190 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Mysore war the Dragoons did not return to Trichinopoly, and
their temporary barracks were allotted to the 12th Regiment
in 1801.1 Tiie grovmd was not much higher, hut it was higher,
and it had the advantage of being at some distance from the
wet cultivation near the banks of the channel. The improve-
ment in the health of the European soldiers at the new lines
was so marked that in 1805 a permanent infantry barrack was
built on or near the site of the temporary buildings. The new
cantonment was laid out and drained, and all the European
troops, except the Ordnance Artificers, some artillerymen, and
an infantry guard, were withdrawn from the Fort.

The new cantonment was one of the places where the
Directors sanctioned the building of a Church in 1805.2 As
at other stations a long delay took place and nothing was done.
The question of expense had to be considered. At the end of
1807 3 the Government sent home the recommendation of
General MacDowall. They received a favourable reply, sanc-
tioning the expenditure in 1809,1' a^^i they determined to build
a Church at Trichinopoly m 1811 s at a cost of 5000 pagodas.

^Vhile they had the scheme under consideration the question
of a new burial-ground was settled. A site was fixed upon in
1807 at the southern limit of the cantonment. The first burial
was in 1808, soon after the enclosing wall was built.^

In all other military stations the cemetery was separated
from the Church. At Trichinopoly there had been a burial-
ground in the churchyard at the Fort as well as a separate
burial-ground at Chintamony, and no evil effect had resulted
from its existence. The local feeling, which was probably
founded upon the sentiment of arrangements at home, was in
favour of having the burial-ground and the Church together.
Consequently when the building of the Church was sanctioned
in 1811, it was built in the centre of the new burial-ground.

The engineer had to keep within his estimate, and to do
the best he could to build a Church to hold 600 persons for

' Memoirs of George Elers, p. 133.

•^ Despatch, June 5, 1805, 9, Public.

3 Letter, Dec. 14, 1807, 49-52, Mil.

^ Despatch, January 11, 1809, 153, Public,

* Letter, March 15, 1811, 939, Mil.

« Letter, Oct. 21, 1807, 634-35, Mil.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 191

5000 pagodas. He erected a plain, strong, parallelepiped
building without even a cupola for a bell. When Bishop
Middleton visited the station in 1816 and in 1819 he complained
to the Government of its unecclesiastical appearance, and
suggested that a cupola and an entrance portico at the west
end should be added, and that in future there should be some
recognition of the traditional ecclesiastical character of Church
buildings. In 1822 the Government sanctioned i the additions,
and they were carried out. Two years later there was a further
large expenditure ^ over the internal arrangements. The two
expenditures amounted to over Es. 10,000, which are sufficient
to show that it is not easy to build a cheap Church. Sense and
sentiment equally rebel against discomfort within and plainness
without. The belfry was added in 1832.3

Bishop Middleton consecrated the new Church in 1816.
It was dedicated to God in honour of St. John the Evangelist.
During this visit he was greatly impressed with the need of a
library of standard works, especially theological, in the station,
and he forthwith established one at his own expense. There were
about two hundred volumes bound in leather. The bookcase
stood for over sixty years in the Vestry. At the end of that
time the library had become practically useless owing to the
loss of so many volumes. Eoom was wanted in the Vestry,
so the bookcase with the remnant of the books was removed
to the Vestry school, where it is still the trust property of
the Chaplain and Lay Trustees.

The year 1826 will always be remembered in Trichinopoly ;
for in that year Bishop Heber was drowned and was buried in
the sanctuary of St. John's on the north side of the altar.*
When the body was taken from the bath the garrison surgeons
did their best to restore animation. One of them, Mr. A. B.
Peppin, made an official report on his examination of the body.
This report came into the hands of the Eev. C. S. Kohlhoff,
S.P.G. missionary of Erungalore. He presented it to the Chap-
lain of Trichinopoly in 1879, and it is now in the Chaplaincy

1 Despatch, July 28, 1824, 73, EccL, in reply to 1822 letter.

" Despatch, Feb. 23, 1825, 13, EccL, in reply to 1824 letter.

^ Letter, April 24, 1832, 1, Eccl. ; Despatch, Feb. 20, 1833, 6, EccL

'' Church in Madras, i. 598.

192 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

File Book. A mural tablet was put up to his memory by the
Memorial Committee, but there was no monument over his
gi'ave till the Eev. Thomas Foulkes, Chaplain, went to the
station in 1865. He raised money locally, and placed over the
gi'ave a handsome marble slab inlaid with brass and coloured
enamels. Even so, no memorial of any kind could be seen
from the body of the Church. Therefore twenty years later
another fund was raised, to which the Diocese was asked to
subscribe, and a memorial window was placed in the sanctuary,
which all in the Church could see. The window is an artistic gem.^

Shortly before the death of Bishop Heber it was found
necessary to enlarge the burial-ground. A considerable portion
of the space intended for burial was occupied by the Church.
The military authorities therefore arranged for additional
space, and with the consent of the Government enclosed it with
a wall. The Directors approved. 2

In the same year 1826 the congregation raised a sum of
money and purchased an organ in England. When it arrived
they asked the Government to erect a teak wood gallery at
the west end of the Church for the accommodation of the organ
and the proposed choir. The Government assented and the
Com-t of Directors approved.^ The gallery remained in posi-
tion and in use until 1870, when there was a desire to bring the
choir and the music to the east end of the Chm'ch. The pipe
organ, which required repair, was discarded and presented to
Christ Church in the Fort, and a new reed organ was purchased
by the congregation in its place. It was a poor exchange,
for the pipes of the old organ were good ; the instrument only
required a renewal of some of its mechanism. Sixteen years
later the reed organ was sold to the Tanjore Mission, and
another pipe organ of good quahty was obtained from England.
The ship which brought it out encountered a severe cyclone.
The cargo shifted, and parts of the instrument were damaged.
There was no one in the station who had any knowledge of the
mechanism of an organ. But as an example of what can be

' In borrowing from the Diocesan Record of 1893, p. 88, I am merely
borrowing what is my own. — F. P.

» Despatch, AprU 26, 1826, 6, Eccl.

^ Letter, Dec. 16, 1826, EccJ. ; Despatch, July 23, 1828, 4, Eccl.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 193

clone when there is a will to do it, it may be mentioned that the
damaged parts of the instrument were repaired, the whole
organ was put together and tuned by the joint effort of a Civil
Engineer, an Enghsh and a native fitter employed on the
railway, and the Chaplain.

The same year 1826 saw the separation of the Chaplanicy
and the mission funds. When the garrison left the Fort, they
not only left behind their Church, but also their Vestry fund
and their school for soldiers' children.^ A vestry composed of
British officers and civilians in the Company's service had
managed the fund and other parish affairs from 1771 till
St. John's Church was built in 1812. Their proceedhags were
recorded in a book in the same orderly way as was done at
St. Mary's, Fort St. George.^ After 1812 there does not appear
to have been any Vestry meeting at Christ Church. Christian
Pohle continued to administer both the Vestry and the native
mission funds as he had been accustomed to do. His death
and the advent of a successor, who did not understand that
there were two funds, were the means of raising inquiry soon
after 1820 as to what was being done with the Vestry fund,
which was established by the liberality of officers for the benefit
of the children and descendants of British soldiers. The
accounts were separated in 1826. The missionaries in the Fort
kept possession of all their mission property, and the Vestry
fund was placed in charge of the Vestry of the new Church. The
children of the Vestry school were transferred from the Church
compound in the Fort to more open premises between the new
cantonment and Warriore. Schoolrooms and other premises
were built for them in the corner of the compound occupied
by the Chaplain, and there the school remamed till it was
moved into the heart of the cantonment in 1881.

Between the years 1831 and 1834 an attempt was made by
Major-General Sir E. K. Williams, K.C.B., who commanded
the southern division of the Madras army, to take the Vestry
school out of the hands of the Chaplain and the Vestry, and to

1 Called the Vestry School.

" This book has been found among the Mission records at the Fort Church,
Trichinopoly, since I wrote on this subject in The Church in Madras, i. 595-6.
In 1906 the Rev. J. A. Sharrock supplied me with a copy of all the Proceedings
from 1771 to 1812. See Appendix I.

VOL. II. Q

194 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

make it a brigade school under a committee of military officers.
The General did not know the history of the school, and his
design failed, partly because the property of the school was held
in trust by the Archdeacon of Madras as a corporation sole, and
partly because the bankers refused to pay dividends to anyone
but the Vestry authorities. Sir E. K. Williams was backed by
the military officers in the station, who could hardly act other-
wise ; but as soon as his period of command came to an end
the contention ceased.

There was a long dispute between the Madras Government
and the Directors as to the supply of punkahs in St. John's.
The local Government knew the need and knew it well ; but
the Directors refused to sanction the expense. The punkahs
were supplied while the dispute was still going on, and finally
it came to an end by the Directors' acquiescence in 1850.

The chm-chyard was again enlarged in 1848 in the westerly
direction.^ Considerable repairs and alterations were made in
1871,2 including the destruction of the west gallery. They
who had to sit underneath it were exceedingly uncomfortable,
and hot ; and as there was no real necessity for it, it was
carried away without regret.

In 1879 British troops were withdrawn from the garrison.
At first it seemed as if the empty bungalows were going to be
allowed to go to ruin. But Trichinopoly is a central place.
The Government of Madras made it the headquarters of a
number of different civil departments. The officials of the
South Indian Railway liked its climate better than that of
Negapatam, and built their central offices near the junction
railway station. Consequently the houses filled, and the
Chaplain found no difficulty in keeping up the Vestry school,
and in carrying on various other parochial undertakings.
Between 1879 and 1888 the congregation contributed over
Rs.7000 for the improvement of the furniture and the adorn-
ment of the Church.

In the official return of Churches made in 1852 it is stated
that the cost of the Chm'ch was Rs.28,248. This sum is so
much larger than the sanctioned cost that it probably includes

> Letter, Feb. 22, 1848, 15, Eccl. ; Despatch, July IG, 1851, 15, Eccl.
2 G.O., July 12, 1871, No. 117, Eccl.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1805 AND 1815 195

all expenditure up to that date. Its size in the same return
is said to be 130 x 67| x 22 feet. The real inside measure-
ments are 82| x 70 x 22 feet. There is a nave, two aisles
of the same length as the nave, and a sanctuary flanked by
vestries.

Inside the building there are some handsome memorials and
gifts. The font is a memorial of his wife presented by Mr. W. A.
Willock of the Madras Civil Service. The pulpit was dedicated
by the congregation to the memory of Mr. Charles Rundall.
The lectern was given by friends of Mr. A. F. Richards, a popular
young civilian who died of cholera in 1885. The brass adorn-
ments of the altar were given by the Hon. Mr. Whiteside,
and the handsome pulpit candelabrum was the gift of Mr.
G. Duncan Irvine. Both these gentlemen were of the Civil
Service. The Chaplain's stall was the gift of another civilian,
Mr. A. R. McDonell. There is a window given by the Trichin-
opoly Cricket Club to the memory of Mr. Arthur Williams, a
young barrister who died of cholera in 1888, and another to the
memory of a child who died in 1879. On the walls are com-
memorated Bishop Heber, Major- General Hamilton Hall,
Aeneas Ranald McDonell of the Civil Service, David Logan,
Chief Engineer of the South Indian Railway, and others whose
names were household words in the south of India in their
generation.

There have been only two burials inside the Church itself,
namely Bishop Heber, and an infant child of Mr. Charles
May Lushington of the Civil Service, who died in 1815.

Of the Chaplains in the Hon. Company's service in the
nineteenth century, they who exercised most influence on the
ecclesiastical affairs of Trichinopoly were Richard Smyth
(1811-15), who saw the building of the Church ; Joseph Wright
(1823-30), who disentangled the Vestry and Mission affairs
and established the Vestry school in the cantonment ; Vincent
Shortland (1833-35), who on his first arrival in India had to
bear the brunt of the attack of General Sir E. K. Williams on
the Vestry school, and made a reputation for himself by the
judicious tone of his letters ; Henry] Deane (1835-42), who
succeeded in restoring unity of sentiment with regard to the
management of the school ; and G. E. Morris (1848-54).

o 2

196 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

At the beginning of the nineteenth century Captain George
Elers was with the 12th Regiment at Trichinopoly. He relates i
that when he was there money was collected dming one cool
season for the pm-pose of giving amusement for three days,
with public breakfasts, ball, &c., and sports for the men. With
more or less regularity this custom was kept up during the
centmy, so that everyone in the south of India knew what
was meant by the Trichinopoly Week at Christmas time. The
established practice of friendliness and hospitality has made
Trichinopoly with all its heat a pleasant memory to everyone
who has been at any time stationed there.

1 Memoirs of George Elers, p. 130.

ST. JOHNS CHURCH, TR ICHINOPOLY.

CHAPTEK X

THE COMING OF THE MISSIONARIES

What led to their coining. The effect of the S.P.C.K. reports. The debates
of the Stock Proprietors at the India House. John Thomas. W. Carey.
The London Missionary Society ; its agents. The S.P.C.K. agents. Their
reception by the Company, the local Government and the officials. Ringel-
taube. Cran and Des Granges. Loveless. Gordon and Lee. Hands,
Pritchett. John Thompson. Judson and Newell. The Tanjore S.P.C.K.
missionaries. The C.M.S. Their difficulties and their agents. Mead
and Knill of the L.M.S. at Nagercoil. The kindness of Col. Munro.
Norton, Bailey, Baker, and Fenn in Travancore, invited by Col.
Munro. His opinion of them. The Wesleyans. Arrival of Lynch
and Mo\\'att and Hoole. Hoole's autobiography. Non-interference
with one another.

The last decade of the eighteenth century saw the commence-
ment of a popular movement in Great Britain in favour of com-
municating the knowledge of Christ and the blessings of
Christianity to heathen people in foreign lands. The move-
ment was due to various causes. First and foremost among
all earthly causes was the steady, sober, continuous,
prayerful, faithful work of the German missionaries in the
south of India. Some of these were exclusively supported
by the King of Denmark, and they were known as members
of the Eoyal Danish Mission. They worked in the Danish
territory of Tranquebar, and, with the permission of the
Eajah, in those portions of the kingdom of Tanjore which
were adjacent to the Danish borders. Others were supported
by the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, and
were locally known as the British missionaries. With the
permission and co-operation of the Hon. East India Company
they worked in the territories of the Company, and of the
Company's ally, the Nabob of the Carnatic.

198 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Since 1726 it had been the custom of the Society to pubHsh
annual reports of what was being done on the Coromandel
coast. These reports were circulated, not widely perhaps, but
sufficiently so to gain and unite genuine believers in the mission-
ary idea. It was not possible that the Society should have
done this for over sixty years without some effect being pro-
duced on the minds and consciences of religious men. One
of the symptoms of such effect appeared in 1793, when William
Wilberforce moved his famous resolutions in the House of
Commons. They were passed, and though they were not
accepted by the Government, the debates on them in the
House of Commons and in the East India House arrested the
attention not only of religious men, but also of a great number
of others who were only slightly interested in the propagation
of the Gospel.

The unchristian natm*e of some of the arguments put forth
by some of the speakers in opposition to the Resolutions at the
Com-t of Proprietors of East India Stock made many men think
more seriously of the duty of preaching the gospel to every
creatm-e than they had ever thought before. If they had been
indifferent before, they found themselves quite unable to be
indifferent any longer. Something can be said in favour of the
speakers, who were extremely afraid of the Resolutions as
calculated to charge the Company with a great and permanent
expense. It was one thing to fight against this reasonably
and on principle ; it was quite another thing to do it in an
unchristian way. But these matters are overruled. Perhaps
if the opponents had not spoken as they did, the conscience of
Christian England would not have been stirred. As it was,
men had to consider which side they were on, whether they
were for or against Christ, whether they were in favour of carry-
ing out His wishes or opposing them. And the general result
was a vast increase in the number of those in favour of doing
what was manifestly right when the question was fairly
faced.

Another effect of the publication of reports was
seen in the result produced in individuals in various
parts of Great Britain. The journey of John Thomas to
Calcutta in 1790 was an individual effort to promote a

THE COMING OF THE MISSIONARIES 199

cause 1 which he must have heard of directly or indirectly
by means of reports. He was quite unfitted for the work
he proposed to do, so that the friends of the mission cause in
Bengal were obliged to hold aloof from him ; he was sent
by no Society ; he had no private nor official income ;
and he had no licence from the Company to reside in any
of their settlements. Still he deserves the credit of making
an individual effort to do what he was convinced ought to be
done, even though he broke all the rules of prudence and
good sense. The subsequent journey of William Carey to the
same place was the result of a knowledge of mission work in
India which could not have been obtained in any other way than
by means of the S.P.C.K. reports. This also was an individual
effort. Carey had at first no guaranteed salary ; he took with
him a sum of money which was lost in the Hoogli as soon as
he arrived ; he had no licence ; but being by temperament
fitted for the work he had undertaken, he found friends among
the Company's servants ; these obtained for him a subordinate
post in an up-country factory, and so he was able to maintain
himself during the time he was learning the languages and
preparing himself for his subsequent translation work.

The most important result of the reports was their effect
upon groups of like-minded men, who in the last decade of the
century formed themselves into associations for the prosecution
of mission work among the heathen abroad. First came the
Missionary Society, afterwards known as the London Mission-
ary Society. Among its original members were both Church-
men and Nonconformists. It was formed in 1794. Some of
its members were in favour of commencing work in India at
once ; the majority wished to begin elsewhere ; so it happened
that the first agents of this Society did not reach India till
December 1804.

One of them was William Tobias Eingeltaube ; he was
educated at Halle, and was intended for the Coromandel coast
mission of the S.P.C.K. For this purpose there can be no

' Lewis' Memoir of the Rev. John Thomas, 1871. Consult also with some
reserve Kaye's Christianity in India, chap. vii. Ka3'e blindly foUows J. C.
Marshman {Carey, Ward, dhc), who was filially too much of a partisan to be
reliable.

200 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

doubt that, like other students intended for the same mission,
he studied Tamil while still at college to prepare himself for his
future work. The Society, however, wanted a man at Calcutta
in 1797 1 when he was ready to embark, and sent him there
instead of to the coast. This alteration involved the learning
of another language. Probably this difficulty had something
to do with his return home m 1799. In 1803 the London
Society engaged his services for work on the coast, and he
arrived at Tranquebar at the end of the following year. In the
same ship with him travelled George Cran and Augustus Des
Granges. These men are stated to have been two years in a
seminary at Gosport before being accepted by the Society for
work abroad, but their nationality is not given.^

In 1805 arrived at Madras W. C. Loveless and John Taylor,
sent out by the same Society. In 1806 John David Palm, a
German, who had travelled as far as Colombo with Cran and
Des Granges in 1805, joined his travelling companions at
Vizagapatam.3 In 1809 John Gordon and William Lee
arrived at Calcutta in an American ship from New York, and
went to Vizagapatam the following year. John Hands,
Edward Pritchett, and Jonathan Brain arrived at Madras in
1810, and John Thompson m 1812.^

Between 1790 and 1813 the following agents of the S.P.C.K.
arrived in Madras and commenced work at one or another of
the Society's stations : C. H. Horst, 1792 ; C. W. Paezold, 1793 ;
I. G. Holtzberg, 1797 ; J. P. Bottler, 1803 ; and C. A. Jacobi,
1813. No other English Society had agents working in the
Presidency ; but there were Roman Catholic priests, chiefly of
French and Portuguese nationality, pursuing their own work
under the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Mylapore according to
the regulations of the Fort St. George Government.

It is of interest to notice how these men were received and
treated by the Company, their Government on the coast, and

' J. C. Diemer, the colleague of Kiernander from 1775 to 1785, and in sole
charge from 1789, died in 1792. J. W. Gerlach, who joined Kiernander in
1778, died in 1791. See The Church in Madras, i. 691.

- History of the L.M.8., 1795-1895. Hough says that Cran was a Scotch-
man and Des Granges a Frenchman, iv. 253-60.

■' Pearson's Life of Buchanan, vol. ii. chap, v. p. 26.

■• Rerjistcr of L.M.8. Missionaries, 1796-189G, by J. 0. Whitchouse.

THE COMING OF THE MISSIONARIES 201

by their officials in different parts of the Presidency. It has
been represented i that the tide of hostihty on the part of
Europeans in India at this period ran strong against missionary
operations ; that the door of India was shut against them ; that
all possible discouragement was given to every effort to spread
the Gospel ; ^ and many similar statements have been made
by missionary historians following in the wake of Hough.^ It
is not to be denied that there was friction between the authorities
in Bengal and the Baptist missionaries during the year 1806
and for two years afterwards, owing to circumstances which
have been detailed ; but there was no similar friction in the south
of India, for the reason that the missionaries there gave no
cause for it. They obeyed all rules, fulfilled all conditions, and
in return they were welcomed and willingly helped by the best
of the Company's civil and mihtary servants. If the Court of
Directors had not plainly stated then* views on the subject of
mission work in their despatch * of September 7, 1808, to the
Government of Bengal, in which they affirmed as a principle
the desirability of imparting the knowledge of Christianity to
the natives of India ; said that they had no objection to the work
being done, no objection to the Scriptures being circulated,
no objection to public preaching in proper places of worship ;
and concluded by advising the Government of Bengal not to
interfere without necessity with the proceedings of the mission-
aries ;— if the Court of Directors had not written that despatch,
their policy with regard to missionaries could have been plainly
seen by the generous appreciation and assistance of their
servants in the Presidency of Madras.

It is unnecessary to refer again to the Eoman Catholic mission-
aries and to those sent out by the S.P.C.K., for the goodwill of
all the authorities towards them has been sufficiently demon-
strated in the former volume of this record. It remains only
to mention what kind of reception was accorded to the agents
of the London Missionary Society. Under the terms of its

^ Hough's Christianity in India, iv. 252.
- Eugene Stock's History of the CM. 8. 55.
^ Sherring's Protestant Missions in India, p. 78.

■• Public Department. See Appendix I of Buchanan's Apology for the
whole correspondence with the Bengal C4overnment.

202 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Charter the Company might have directed its local Governments
to send them all back to Em'ope on arrival, since the Society
which employed them took no pains to obtain licences for them
before they went. The Directors were quite aware of this breach
of rule when they wrote the despatch mentioned above, and
determined to make no use of it. They said : ' You are of
course aware that many of the meritorious individuals who
have devoted themselves to these labours are not British
subjects nor living under om' authority, and that none of the
missionaries have proceeded to Bengal with our licence.' If
they had been writing to the Madras Government they would
have been able to say much the same thing of some of the
missionaries in the south. They took no decided action regard-
ing the absence of a licence, because they did not wish to do so
without a cause. The necessity of a licence remained as a rule
which could be put in force at any time if the local Government
considered it requisite. This policy explains their sympathetic
actions in the following cases :

Eingeltaube arrived at Tranquebar i in 1804 ; he visited
Madras in 1805 to take counsel with Dr. Eottler as to his
sphere of work. Probably in consideration of his knowledge
of Tamil he was recommended to take charge of the Tinnevelly
mission ; he arrived at Palamcottah that same year, having
visited Kohlhoff at Tanjore on the way and received his sanc-
tion of the arrangement. At Palamcottah he was most kindly
received by Colonel Charles Trotter, the commandant, and by
the civil and military officers of the station.^ He did what
former Lutheran missionaries had done before him ; he carried
on his mission work and ministered to the Company's garrison
at the same time. There is no doubt about the welcome given
to him by the Company's officers. He was a restless man, and
showed an inclination to commence a mission in the adjoining
Travancore country. He was accordingly invited by Colonel
Macaulay, the British Resident in that native state, to do so.
He made his headquarters at Maladi, and before he gave up

* This Danish settlement was captured by the Madras army in 1801 ; after
the Peace of Amiens it was restored to the Danes in 1803 ; on the resumption
of hostilities it was retaken in 1805.

- Caldwell's Tinnevelly Mission, and The Church in Madras, i. 633.

THE COMING OF THE MISSIONARIES 203

the work in 1815 he had established his catechists at several
stations, and had several hundred communicants. ^ Eingel-
taube received nothing but welcome from the officials.

George Cran and Augustus Des Granges arrived at Tranque-
bar 3 with Ringeltaube in 1804. In the following year they
were invited to Madras by Dr. Kerr, the Chaplain of St. Mary's,
Dr. Bottler, who was in charge of the S.P.C.K. Vepery Mission,
and other friends of the mission cause. They were recommended
not to interfere with existing missions, but to commence
work in the Telugu country where there were none. They
accepted the advice, and with the permission of the Governor
in Council they went to Vizagapatam with letters of introduc-
tion from ' gentlemen of the first respectabihty ' in Madras.
They arrived in July 1805, and were cordially received by the
Chief Magistrate, Robert Alexander. Kerr and Rottler advised
them to follow the policy of the Lutheran missionaries in the
service of the S.P.C.K., and to make themselves useful to the
English residents by conducting public worsliip according to
the Book of Common Prayer. By following this advice they
made themselves acceptable to the English officials and gentry,
and the act turned out to be a means of blessing to themselves,
which they acknowledged in a letter to Kerr. It seems to
have been their first introduction to the Liturgy of the Church,
for they expressed their admiration of it and of the Thirty -nine
Articles, as if they had never seen them before, and they com-
menced to translate them with the help of a Brahmin into
Telugu. In return for this regular Sunday service they obtained
from the Government on the apphcation of the Chief Magistrate
an allowance of ten pagodas 3 a month as lectors or readers of
divine service. It was the same amount as was given to Horst
and Holtzberg at Cuddalore for a similar purpose. They were
also given the privilege of franking their letters home, which
was enjoyed by the Company's officials and the senior S.P.C.K.
missionary. At the request of the Chief Magistrate the Zemindar
gave them a piece of land for their mission buildings ; the

1 Sherring's Protestant Missions, p. 321.

2 Pearson, Lije of Buchanan, i. 40 and ii. chap. v. p. 26 ; Hough's Christianity
in India, iv. 253-60 ; Buchanan's Colonial Eccl. Est. p. 165 note.

^ U.

204 THE CHURCH [IN ^MADRAS

Magistrate himself gave them permission to build ; the civil
and military officers of Vizagapatam were Hberal in their
linancial assistance, so that it was not long before they had
built a free school and orphanage for Eurasian children and a
house for themselves. Claudius Buchanan visited them on
his way to the south in 1806, when John Palm was paying them
a visit from Ceylon. He described them as ' three holy men.'
Their wives were with them ; but Buchanan only mentions
Mrs. Palm, who ' is a helpmeet in the Gospel. She learns the
language faster than her husband.'

Cran died at Chicacole in 1809 and Des Granges at Vizaga-
patam in 1810. All the European officers of the station attended
the funeral of the latter. In the old cemetery at Vizagapatam
there is a monument to his memory, on which he is described
as ' having faithfully served the East India Company for the
period of four years.'

In the year 1805 two more agents of the London Mission
arrived at Madras, John Taylor and William Charles Loveless.
They were on their way to Surat. Taylor eventually reached
the Bombay Presidency. He was a surgeon, and was persuaded
to enter the medical service of the Company i on the Bombay
estabhshment. The newcomers met in Madras Cran and Des
Granges, who had just arrived from Tranquebar, and were
introduced by them to their kind friends. By these they were
welcomed with cordiality.- The httle circle must have in-
cluded Dr. Kerr the Chaplain and Dr. Bottler the S.P.C.K.
missionary. At the time of their arrival the mastership of the
Male Asylum was vacant. Dr. Kerr, being favourably im-
pressed with Loveless, offered him the post, and he accepted the
offer. The Asylum was governed by a committee of persons
in high official positions in Madras with the Governor at its
head. Loveless, the L.M.S. missionary,^ could not have
obtained the post without their knowledge and consent. And
thus the highest officials in Madras are found to be consenting
to his arrival and conspiring to keep him. He is described by

' He is sometimes referred to as Dr. Taylor, but I cannot find that he had
a doctor's degree.

- Hough's Christianity in India, iv. 272.

^ William Taylor {Memoir, d-c, ]). 128) says he came out as a catechist.

THE COMING OF THE MISSIONARIES 205

William Taylor as very humbly talented and unpresuming.
His modesty found him friends, without whom he could have
done little beyond the bounds of the Asylum. He commenced
at once to hold religious meetings for the Eurasians of Vepery
and Black Town, among whom he officiated with great accep-
tance, using the Book of Common Prayer in his ministrations.
There was some opposition to his ministrations, i not from the
authorities, but from the S.P.C.K. missionary at Vepery, a
German whose knowledge of English was imperfect, whose
English congregation was sadly thinned by the effort of the
London missionary .^ Assisted by some of the European
officials, especially by William Harcourt Torriano of the
Madras Civil Service, he built within five years of his arrival
a chapel in Black Town for services in English without the
Prayer-book, with two schoolrooms attached for Eurasian boys
and girls. This chapel was opened with the consent of the
Government. He resigned the mastership of the Male Asylum
in 1812, opened a private school in Vepery, and retired in 1824.
Neither his arrival nor his occupation was in any way interfered
with by the Government. On the contrary he was assisted by
them and by some of the Company's officials individually.

The next agents of the L.M.S. to arrive were John Gordon
and William Lee, who reached Calcutta via New York in
1809.3 They had no difficulty in joining Des Granges at
Vizagapatam. In the words of Hough ' both were estimable
men, and they made a great impression on all.' Here without
molestation they pursued their peaceful labours of translating
portions of the Bible into Telugu, and carrying on the work
commenced by their predecessors.

John Hands of the same Society arrived at Madras in 1810,*
Like his predecessors he was without a licence. Owing to an
indiscretion on the part of the Serampore missionaries in
Bengal, the local Governments of India began now to demand
the production of the regulation licence from those who wished
to enter the country for missionary purposes. Hands would

^ Sherring's Protestant Missions, p. 411.

- Taylor's Memoir, p. 133.

^ Hough's Christianity in India, iv. 264.

^ Hough says 1809 ; but the L.M.S. Register says 1810.

206 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

have been sent back if Marmaduke Thompson, one of the
junior Ghaphiins, had not interceded with the Government for
him. He was allowed to land on the miderstanding that his
sole intention and object was to try and work somewhere as
Cran and Des Granges had worked at Vizagapatam. There
can be no doubt that he received the same advice from mission
friends in Madras as they did, and was recommended not to
interfere with missions already established, but to begin in
some new place or in some place which for want of workers
had been deserted. He actually tried to begin at Seringapatam,
a very mihealthy station where fever had struck down many
a British soldier as well as a notable missionary Chaplain, A. T.
Clarke. But he soon passed on from this place to Bellary.
Here was a brigade of European and native troops without
a Chaplain, He was welcomed by the Europeans, and worked
among them just as Cran and Des Granges did at their station ;
he used the Prayer-book in his ministrations, and was indebted
to this compliance with British prejudice for his English con-
gregation. At the instance of the Chief Magistrate he received
a grant from the Madras Government of eight acres of land,
rent free as long as the land was appropriated to the use of the
charity school and orphanage for Europeans and Eurasians,
which he established with the assistance of the officers of the
station. His efforts among the soldiers and their Eurasian
children, which were attended with happy results, were no
longer required after 1812, when the Government sent a Chaplain
to guide and watch over their spiritual welfare. He then
turned his principal attention to mission work, and began
translating the Gospel of St. Luke into Canarese. Being joined
by Joseph Taylor, a young man born of European parents in
Madras, he was able to devote even more attention to transla-
tion work, and commenced a Canarese Grammar and Diction-
ary.^ He wrote several tracts in Canarese for his mission
purposes, and appHed to the Government for permission to
set up a printing press. Bearing in mind what had happened
at Serampore in connection with the vernacular printing press
there, the Government hesitated, and John Hands did not

' Hough's Christianity in India, iv. 280-90 ; Sherring's Protestant Missions,
p. 293.

THE COMING OF THE MISSIONARIES 207

obtain his desire till 1826. With this exception he was in no
way hampered in his work by the Government or by their
officials. In other respects he was greatly helped by both.
Joseph Taylor needed no licence because he was born in the
country. This accentuates the fact that the licence was not
one to do mission work, but to reside in the Company's
dominions.

The next agents of the L.M.S. to reach Madras were Edward
Pritchett and Jonathan Brain. They arrived in 1810. The
latter died shortly after arrival. The former was intended for
Rangoon, and pursued his journey thither as soon as the ship
was ready. Military troubles in Burmah obliged him to leave
that country. By choice he went to Calcutta, where he
arrived in February 1811. Finally, he joined Gordon and Lee
at Vizagapatam in November of that year. The acknowledged
excellence of the missionaries on the Telugu coast saved him
from any objection or inquiry. He was a linguist of natural
ability, as some men are, and he was one of the principal
translators of the New Testament into Telugu, whose transla-
tion was pronounced at the time to be ' a plain intelligible
version.' ^ He followed quietly in the footsteps of Cran and
Des Granges, and died at Vizagapatam in 1820.

John Thompson arrived at Madras in March 1812. There
he lingered through illness. The authorities not knowing the
cause of his detention had some reason to doubt his missionary
purpose. He was therefore served with a notice on May 22
informing him that the Hon. the Governor in Council was
precluded by the orders of the Supreme Government from
permitting him to reside in any place under the Presidency,
and directing him to return to the Isle of France or to Europe
on the first opportunity .^ But he was sick unto death with
abscess on the liver, and he died in June within a month of
receiving the notice.

The order of the Supreme Government was the result of
the arrival of some missionaries in American ships, and of the
arrival of two missionary Americans early in 1812 at Calcutta.
These were Judson and Newell. They meant no more harm

^ Hough's Christianity in India, iv, 269, 290.
2 The letter is quoted by Sherring, p. 412.

208 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

to the Government than the missionaries aheady in the country ;
but they came at an unfortunate time. They and their country-
men were mostly of British descent and bore British names.
They had declared their independence of the mother country,
and were at this period of England's struggle with France
showing their independence by joining with their mother's
enemies against her. The circumstances of the expulsion of
Judson and Newell were thus exceptional ; they were more
political than missionary. As their country was in alliance
with France, which had been for some time trying to injure
Great Britain by stirring up strife in India, these men might
be secret agents of France for all the Bengal Government
knew to the contrary. As a matter of fact they were not ;
but in times of war no risks can be taken, and they became
the innocent victims of their countrymen's unnatural politics.
Judson went to Burmah and did a great evangelistic work
there. Three other Americans were deported in the following
year. In spite of these deportations it is sufficiently clear that
the East India Company and their officials were not antagonistic
to Christian mission work, as such, in the territories of the
Madras Government.

Neither the obligations of the 1813 Charter, nor the state-
ments made in the heat of controversy whilst its terms were
under discussion, made any difference to the Company and its
officials in their attitude towards the missionaries after the
new Charter was granted. The goodwill of all continued.
The Rajah of Tanjore was still kind and liberal towards Kohlhoff
and his assistants. If the Government had been in any way
unfriendly or hostile, a single word from the British Resident
would have put an end both to the liberality and the kindness.
With the consent of the Directors the Government continued
its contribution of 1200 pagodas a year to the Sullivan-Schwartz
Enghsh schools of Tanjore, Ramnad, and Combaconum.
Christopher Jacobi, a new S.P.C.K. missionary, was granted a
free passage to Madras in 1813 when the debate about the terms
of the Charter was going on. And the Company's servants
gave the same kind of protection, encouragement, and help
to the missionaries which they had given hitherto.

At this time a new society as far as India was concerned

THE COMING OF THE MISSIONARIES 209

came upon the scene. The Church Missionary Society from
the very beginning professed to consider the heathen and them
alone as the objects of its care. It has been stated that the
evangehcals of the period were excluded from participation
in the work of the S.P.C.K.i If this was the case it is a
sufficient proof that party spirit existed in a much more acute
form in England than it did in India, and that the East India
Company and their servants understood toleration better than
it was understood at home. Under such circumstances the
evangelicals had a perfect right to combine to carry on the
work by themselves. According to the Eev. John Venn the
projected mission was to be carried on on Church principles
but not on high Church principles. There were working in
India at the time the agents of the S.P.C.K., the Baptist, and
London Mission Societies, and not one of these were in Holy
Orders. Venn was a loyal Churchman, and probably intended
that the work of the new Society should be done by rightly
ordained men of his own school. But as soon as he began to
look for men he experienced the same difficulty as the S.P.C.K.
They were not to be found. Some of the old S.P.C.K. missions
on the Coromandel coast were languishing, not for want of
funds but for want of men. The Lutheran supply from Halle
had been cut off by the Napoleonic wars. The English clergy
were too few for the needs of their own country, so that a great
number of them had to take charge of more than one benefice.
Wilberforce tried to get over the difficulty by recommending
the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London to
adopt a distinct ordination for missionaries, authorising them
to work abroad but not in England.^ The C.M.S. tried to
surmount it by resolving to send laymen into the mission field,
who were to work as catechists till called by the Society to be
ordained .3 Neither of these plans was found to bo feasible.
Thus it happened that they had to do what the S.P.C.K. did,
and employ Germans as their first Madras agents. In the first
seventeen years of the Society's existence they employed

1 E. Stock's History of the C.M.S. i. 63-66.

2 See his Charter speech in Parliament, 1813. This was the origin of the
difference between home and colonial ordination.

•* Hough's Hidory, iv. 167.
VOL. u. p

210 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

twenty-four missionaries, of whom seventeen were Germans.
As far as Church principles were concerned they might, with
advantage to the cause, have joined and strengthened the
missionary effort of the S.P.C.K.

Between 1814 and 1836 the Society sent twenty -nine
missionaries to southern India ; nine of these were Germans.
There was a difference between the Germans employed by the
S.P.C.K. and the C.M.S. The former were distinctly Lutherans,
the latter were not. The difference was a more important one
than that of mere ritual and furniture and ornament.

Before the arrival at Madras of theirfirst agents, Schnarre and
Ehenius, they had begun to assist the work that was going on
at Tranquebar through a committee of their friends at Calcutta,
which was to all intents and purposes a corresponding com-
mittee. In 1812 this committee made a generous grant to Dr.
John of Tranquebar to enable him to continue the Enghsh
schools which he had founded on the plan of the Sulhvan-
Schwartz schools. This grant was the occasion of their sending
Schnarre and Ehenius from Madras to Tranquebar in 1814.
WTien they were recalled to Madras in the following year,
Marmaduke Thompson w§nt through the form of asking the
Government to permit them to reside in the Presidency town.
The Governor granted the request ' with words of kindness and
encouragement.' i Schnarre returned to Tranquebar in 1816,
and Ehenius went to Palamcottah in 1820 ; not because of
any want of welcome in Madras, but because their services
were required elsewhere.

On the departure of Eingeltaube from South Travancore
the work was taken up b}^ the two London missionaries, Charles
Mead and Eichard Knill. At the suggestion and by the advice
of Colonel John Munro, the Eesident, the headquarters of the
mission was moved to Nagercoil in 1818. Here by the influence
of the same British official a house was provided by the Eanee,
who also gave 5000 pagodas for the purchase of rice fields for
the endowment of the mission.

In 1815 Colonel Munro wrote to the newly formed corre-
sponding committee in Madras, and invited them to send one
of their missionaries to Travancore to work among the Syrian

* Hough's History.

THE COMING OF THE MISSIONARIES 211

Christians of the State, who for want of education were in a
sad condition of ignorance. The Committee sent for Thomas
Norton, who was stationed in Ceylon, for the jjurpose. Two
years later he was joined by Benjamin Bailey, Henry Baker,
and Joseph Fenn. In 1818 Colonel Mmiro wrote to the Madras
Government about these faithful priests and said : ' They are
respected and loved by the people ; and the further resort of
respectable missionaries to this country will be productive of
eminent advantage.'

Another society commenced work in Madras in 1816.
Wilham Taylor gives an account i of its commencement, which
though ridiculous has an air of truth. The result was the
arrival from Ceylon of Mr. Lynch of the Wesleyan Mission.
He was instrumental in building the mission house and chapel
at Eoyapettah, one of the districts of Madras, where no other
mission work was being done at the time. James Mowatt
arrived in 1820. After staying a short time at Bangalore he
went to Negapatam, where the old S.P.C.K. Mission was in
charge of a young German catechist. The chief magistrate,
Mr. John Cotton, and the other English residents at once asked
him to conduct service for them in the old S.P.C.K. Church.
He did this so acceptably that at the request of Mr. Cotton the
Government made him an allowance of 20 pagodas a month for
his services as Eeader.

With him came in 1820 Elijah Hoole, who was quite a
remarkable man. On his return home in 1829 he pubHshed
an account of his mission to India. From this book the reader
can see for himself the kindly spirit in which he was received
by the Company's servants wherever he went. One of the
first things he recorded on arrival at Madras was ' the opening
of the Black Town chapel, erected by the munificence of the
Government for the Church Missionary Society.' This act of
munificence must have astonished him, in the hght of all he
must have heard and read about the Government before leaving
England. He travelled to Negapatam and was welcomed by
John Cotton the Collector. Here he found that the English
residents assembled in the old Dutch Church every Sunday
morning for divine service, which was ' performed by our

* Taylor's Me?mif, die, p. 235.

p 2

212 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

missionary.' At Salem be received a welcome from the
Collector, Montagu Cockburn, and conducted a service for the
residents there. At Bangalore he was the guest of the Chaplain,
the Rev. W. Malkin, by whom ho was entertained for several
weeks. From this place he went to Seringapatam, and was
received with friendly politeness by the Resident, the Com-
mandant, and other ofdcers. The Europeans and Eurasians
of the garrison had just completed the building of a chapel for
themselves, large enough to accommodate a hundred persons.
Here at their request he conducted service on Sundays, using
of course the Church Prayer-book.

He dined with the Commandant at Seringapatam and with
the Resident at Mysore, and he mentioned that he was treated
by the latter— the Hon. Arthur H. Cole— with kindness and
affabihty. At the Mysore Durbar he was treated by the
Resident just as if he had been an English official.

Thence he went to Chittoor, ' the happy valley,' where
he was most kindly received by Joseph Dacre, who was the
District Judge and a zealous promoter of Christian knowledge.
Here he stayed ten days ; he conducted service for the English
residents in the Court House on Sunda}^ and, finding that Mr.
Dacre employed catechists and schoolmasters and managed
a small mission of his own among the Tamil population of the
place, he paid particular attention to the work that was being
done and preached to the Tamil Christians also. At Arcot he
was entertained by the Company's Chaplain, the Rev. Richard
Smyth, and so he returned to Madras.

Speaking of the Wesley an chapel in Popham's Broadway he
mentioned that Rs.7000 out of the total cost of Rs. 10,000
were raised locally with the kind assistance of ' many
of the servants of Government and other highly respected
residents in Madras.' The following comment was without
doubt the result of observation during his tour, that the
Em'opeans and Eurasians in all stations where there was no
resident Chaplain were in need of Christian teaching and
ministration, and showed their need by welcoming his services
and those of other missionaries ; he said : ' Were no other ends
to be answered by missions to India than the maintenance of
Christian Knowledge and feeling among those who akeady

THE COMING OF THE MISSIONARIES 213

profess our holy religion, it is an object worthy of the beneficent
liberality of the public at home.'

With very few exceptions i these early missionaries were
careful not to make confusion by establishing themselves where
others were already working. The London Mission went to
Vizagapatam, Bellary, Nagercoil, and Bangalore, where none
had worked before. The Wesleyans went to Mysore and
Eoyapettah. The Church Mission equally disclaimed any
intention of interfering with any existing society. They would
have been content to commence by themselves as they did in
Travancore, but they were invited to assist the old S.P.C.K.
Mission at Palamcottah and in the Black Town of Madras,
and they cheerfully complied. This peaceful division of labour
and the entire absence of politics were the two main reasons
why the Government and the servants of Government were
able to give the different missionaries so warm a welcome.
There was no prejudice against missionaries in a Presidency
where missionaries had been working for over a hundred years ;
no restraint nor interference was necessary with men who had
such an experience to guide them, and who had learned by its
means that the circulation of tracts abusing the religions of the
country was not a wise missionary method. In addition to this
they appeared to have left all their angles and politics behind
them. Thus the Government was able to welcome and assist
them, and Elijah Hoole was able to say :

' The union of spirit and affection generally exhibited in
Madras by the missionaries of the different societies, whilst it
is quite compatible with a conscientious preference for their
own religious communions, affords a pleasing proof of their
Christian temper as well as zeal, and has often been to each
other a rich source of gratification and comfort.'

On his return to Madras Hoole commenced work at Myla-
pore, three miles from the Fort. Here he was assisted by a
'respectable English inhabitant, who was educated at Harrow,'
who lent one of his houses for mission purposes. But Hoole
liked itinerating best, and was soon off again to the up-country

' Loveless, L.M.S., at Vepery and Squance, W.M.S., at Negapatam.

214 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

stations, where he received the same kind of welcome from the
civil and military officers which he had received on his first
jom-ney. At Trichinopoly he opened a small chapel in the
cantonment, which had been built by some of the men of the
1st Royals with the assistance of the Chaplain, the Rev. H. C.
Bankes. At Wallajahbad, where the 69th Regiment was, he
was given quarters by the commandant, Major Leslie ; he
conducted service for the regiment on two occasions, once in
the barrack square and once in the fives court. He was also
invited by the officers to preach in the evening in the mess
house. Later on, that is in 1824, a Chaplain was posted to the
station, the Rev. James Boys ; the officers and men of the
regiment showed their appreciation of Hoole's ministrations
when they had no Chaplain by subscribing Rs.450 towards the
liuilding of a schoolroom and chapel for his separate Wesleyan
use, the Commandant giving the site, and the Collector the
materials. At Cuddalore he was welcomed by the officers of
the garrison and the civil officials, and he preached in the
S.P.C.K. mission Church. Among the officials was one, Mr.
Sim, whose name has been for the three generations held in
honour in the Presidency. Hoole visited several other places,
and recorded the same kind reception and welcome everywhere.
He was far from thinking that the Government was hostile,
or that the presence of Europeans was detrimental to the
advance of Christianity. He bore witness that there was no
political hindrance to missionary work, and added that stations
occupied by Europeans were in many respects the best centres
of missionary effort. In saying this he was only repeating
what the German missionaries of the S.P.C.K. had been saying
during the previous hundred years.

It is only necessary to mention three other evidences of
Government goodwill to the mission cause.

(i) After the arrival of the first Bishop of Calcutta in the
country, the system of committee administration and committee
rule in the various mission enterprises was commenced. The
committees of the S.P.C.K., the C.M.S., and the Bible Society
were composed of officials of high standing in Madras, who
willingly gave their time and attention to matters of missionary
detail in order that financial difficulties should be guarded

THE COMING OF THE MISSIONARIES 215

against, property securely held, and the work vigorously
pursued.

(ii) When Dr. Eottler had translated the English Liturgy
into Tamil in 1814, he appealed to the Governor in Council
for assistance towards the heavy expense of printing it. In
reply the Secretary to Government wrote :

' As the Governor in Council is confident that the Hon.
Court of Directors will entertain a high sense equally of the
motives and of the design of your undertaking, and will feel
desirous that it should receive due encouragement, I am directed
to acquaint you that the Sub-Treasurer will be authorised to
pay you on your receipt the sum of 500 pagodas ; for which
you will hereafter deliver to Government the number of copies
of your work which may cost that sum at the price at which
it may be sold.'

Later on Dr. Eottler reckoned that the equivalent amounted
to 125 copies, and the Government made a free gift of these
copies to the Madras District Committee of the S.P.C.K. for
the use of the native Tamil Christians in Madras.^

(iii) The Government erected a Church in Black Town in
1819 for the native Christians 2 of that quarter, and gave it to
the C.M.S. The cost was over Rs.18,000 ; but of this more
hereafter.

' Taylor's Memoir, Appendix E.

- The term -native' included at that time the Em-opeans and Eurasians born
in the country.

CHAPTER XI

MISSION PROPERTY AND ADMINISTRATION

The Origin and Development of Committee Bule

The beginning of the S.P.C.K. missions. The rules for missionaries, 1735.
Their inapphcability and failure. The accumulation of property. Its
misappropriation. The Kiernander lesson. The Society's inquiry, 1787.
The missionary system of using missionary funds. Paezold at Vepery.
Schwartz and his trustees. Gericke and his trustees. The omission of
Paezold. The inclusion of Rottler. Rottler goes to Vepery. Formation
of the Madras District Committee, 181G. Its members and its original
functions. Increase of its power during Paezold's life and after his death.
The M.D.C. in power in secular matters. Thanks of the Society. Its
inquiry about the Vepery mission property, 1818. Proposals to transfer
the trust funds to the M.D.C. ; the M.D.C. refer to the Society. The
Society consults the Bishop of Calcutta. Rottler leans on the Committee,
who advise under protest. Their disinclination to rule the affairs of the
mission. The trustees of the Vepery and Tanjore funds invest their funds
in Government bonds. The M.D.C. in power, 1824.

The long story of Committee rule begins with the coming of the
first Bishop of Calcutta. There is nothing like it in any other
part of the mission field of the Church, the reason being that it
arose from circumstances peculiar to the Presidency of Madras.
In the year 1728 the S.P.C.K. determined to follow the
example of the Royal Danish Mission, and to employ mission-
aries, with the consent of the Hon. East India Company,
responsible entirely to themselves, within the territories of the
Company. At that time the Company had two forts on the
Coromandel coast and no possessions inland. With the consent
of the men themselves, of their emjDloyers in Denmark (with
whom the S.P.C.K. were always in friendly correspondence),
of the Danish and English East India Companies, and of their
local representatives at Fort St. George and Tranquebar, the

MISSION PROPERTY AND ADMINISTRATION 217

two stations of Madras and Cuddalore were occupied as
mission stations by men of the Royal Danish Mission, who
transferred their services from the Danish to the Enghsh
Society.

Seven years afterwards^the Society issued a paper of ' instruc-
tions for the Protestant missionaries in the Enghsh colonies
of Madras, Cuddalore, &c., to be observed by them in the
discharge of their respective functions.' It consisted of ten
sections, of which the following are the headings :

1. Of the good disposition and behaviour necessary.

2. Of the direction and business of the mission.

3. Of the behaviour of the missionaries towards each other.

4. Of the ministerial functions of a missionary.

5. Of the journeys of a missionary.

6. Of the servants of the mission.

7. Of the schools of the mission.

8. Of the money belonging to the mission.

9. Of the books to be printed and published.

10. The instructions to be read annually in conference.
After a careful study of the instructions one is bound to
confess that if they had been faithfully observed there would
not have been any need for the interference of a District
Committee. At the same time it is abundantly evident that
the non-observance was not due entirely to carelessness, but
partly to the growth of the mission to places far distant from
the first two stations, which rendered the observance of three of
the rules impossible in practice. Take, for example, the direc-
tions of section 2. They contemplated a state of affairs which
never existed, namely, that the missionaries would be suffi-
ciently near one another to enable them to hold a weekly
general conference, the senior missionary presiding, for the
administration of the whole affairs of the mission.

The section ordered the catechists and the schoolmasters
to attend the conference. All matters for consideration —
which might include the discipline of the converts, the appoint-
ment of servants, the staffing of schools, the purchase, repair,
exchange, or sale of property — all such matters were to be
debated and voted upon ; and the resolutions passed were to be
entered in the minute book and subscribed by each missionary

218 THE CHITRCH IN MADRAS

present. A copy of the minute book was to be sent to the
Society annually.

Besides this general weekly conference the missionaries
were to hold a special weekly one among themselves to arrange
the division of labour, to discuss such matters as did not concern
the catechists and schoolmasters, and as a means of ' continuing
their good correspondence Avith the missionaries at Tranquebar.'

If the mission had never extended beyond the boundaries
of Madras and Cuddalore, it would have been impossible to
keep the rule of this section ; but when the work of the mission
extended, as it did before the end of the century, northward to
Pulicat, westward to Arcot and Vellore, and southward to
Tanjore, Trichinopoly, Ramnad, Palamcottah. and Tuticorin,
the rule became a dead letter, and administration had to be
carried on in some other way.

In drawing up section 8 the S.P.C.K. took particular
care to guard the financial affairs of the mission. The mission-
aries were cautioned to account for all the money they received
for the use of the mission, to spend it only in the manner
intended l)y the donors, to husband their resources with care
and fidelity, and to send an exact account of all receipts and
disbursements to the Society yearly. The missionaries were
to choose every half-year a treasurer, who was to keep the cash
and the accounts, and to acquaint his colleagues at the end of
his term of office of the exact financial condition of the mission.
Without their consent he was to incur no new expense ; he was
neither to do repairs, nor invest capital, nor purchase land.
The mission property in money was to be at the disposal of the
missionaries in council and them alone.

Section 9 in a similar way provided for the control of the
Mission Press. The Society decreed that the missionaries as a
body should decide what should and should not be printed.
They did their best to prevent it falling under the control of
any one man.

But all these provisions were rendered inoperative by the
extension of the work and the scattering of the workers. There
was no half-yearly meeting to receive and pass the accounts.
It was not possible. The good intentions of the Society were
frustrated by circumstances, and for convenience sake each

MISSION PROPERTY AND ADMINISTRATION 219

S.P.C.K. missionary managed the affairs of the mission where
he was stationed by himself, and left his colleagues to do likewise.

The senior missionary at Madras had a duty which the other
missionaries had not, a duty which came to him by reason of
his being stationed at the seat of Government. He received
from the parent Society all the Society had to send year by
year, the pay, collections, special gifts, stores, books, and press
requisites. It was his duty to deal with these and to account
to the Society for everything he received. The Madras mission-
ary sent his receipts ; but there was no making up of accounts
in committee according to rule, nor did the receipts show that
the mission money was used either in Madras or elsewhere, nor
how the other things were distributed.

The accumulation of property and the failure to render
accounts were the foundations and sole justification of com-
mittee rule. At various times during the ministry of Fabricius
and Gericke at Madras sums of money were bequeathed to the
missionaries for the benefit of the mission. In 1777 Mr. Hollis
left £700 ; ahttlelater Captain Eckman left £100, Mrs. Isabella
Croke £60, Mr. Ziegenhagen £400, and others bequeathed
smaller sums. As these did not come from the Society, the
missionaries did not consider that they were under an obligation
to account for them to the Society. This decision was obviously
wrong ; the mission was the S.P.C.K. Mission, so that whatever
property the mission had or acquired was the property of the
Society in whose name it was carried on.

The rules of the Society provided for the accurate keeping
and auditing of the mission accounts by the missionaries in
conference. In practice the missionaries mixed up the mission
accounts with their private accounts. Speaking of Gericke,
W. Taylor says : ^

' I have seen his account books. When at the top of one
page a balance in favour of several thousand pagodas was
visible, there were in the item of disbursements a school bill for
one of his children, a dozen of wine, a payment for mission
catechists and schoolmasters, common household expenses,
charitable payments or donations, indiscriminately mingled
together.'

' Memoir, p. 95.

220 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

The danger of this was that in case of financial failure, such
as overtook Fabricius in 1787 and Kiernander in Calcutta
at about the same time, the creditors might seize mission
property to satisfy their claims as well as the private property
to which they were entitled. This actually happened at
Calcutta. The only reason why it did not happen at Vepery
was that the Church and gromids had been made over to the
mission by the local Government of Fort St. George, and no
creditor would have been allowed to attach them in satisfac-
tion of a personal debt. There was no trust deed. The Govern-
ment Order by which the property was handed over was a good
title, and it was sufficient in the case of Vepery to protect not
only what the Government had given, but what had been other-
wise acquired as well.

When Kiernander of Calcutta failed, his creditors took
possession of all his property ; in this category they included
the mission Church, the schools, the bmial-ground, and the
mission bmigalow. They had not been legally conveyed to
the Society, nor locally registered in the Society's name. The
creditors could only regard them as the private property of the
missionary who l3uilt and used them for his own purposes.

This incident conveyed an alarming lesson to the mission-
aries in the south, and to those who sympathised with them and
their work. After seventy years of work the missionaries
were faced by an old problem, which they appear to have
thought they had left behind them in Europe, the problem of
property. In various places they had property in land, houses,
and burial-grounds. Whether these were held securely and
legally was a question they had never troubled themselves
about. In their simplicity they regarded it all as ' mission '
property, and they looked upon the funds as entirely at their
owTi disposal. The S.P.C.K., and they who gave their money
to further the mission cause, could not look at the question in
the same artless way. They saw the necessity of safeguarding
the property of the cause they had at heart.

The mission property in Madras, Cuddalore, Tanjore, and
Trichinopoly was held under sanction of a Government Order.
In some other military stations such as Palamcottah and
Velloro it was protected by the co-operation of the Government

MISSION PROPERTY AND ADMINISTRATION 221

when it was originally acquired. There were, however, pro-
perties in other places not similarly held and protected. Land
and buildings had been acquired in many villages ' for the
mission,' especially in Tinnevelly. Mission funds had come
into existence at Madras and Tanjore, and at other places
which were actually in private trust, whose trustees were
accountable to no one for their administration.

Shortly before the arrest of Fabricius for debt, it was
known that through ignorance of business matters he was
incurring risks. Some one seems to have written home to the
Society on the subject. The Society therefore in 1787 made
inquiries about the property of the Vepery Mission. Fabricius
rephed i that ' the property or funds belonging to the Madras
mission, and consequently to the Society,^ and for whose security
the missionary or missionaries residing there must be answer-
able,' were as follows : ^

(a) The Church, mission house and garden.

(&) The burying-ground adjoining the garden.

(d) Schoolmasters' houses near the garden.

(e) Small house near the garden (Bonwyn legacy).
(/) Piece of paddy-field.

The first three properties required no trust deed ; the latter
three required one or something of the nature of one.

When Fabricius was imprisoned, the remaining missionaries
determined that by a deed of resignation Fabricius should
transfer to Gericke all the mission property. It was not a
very wise arrangement, for it obscured the fact of ownership
by the Society, though it did not deny it, and it gave to Gericke
complete control over the property of the Vepery Mission, which
by the S.P.C.K. regulations ought to have been exercised by
the missionaries jointly.

Between 1750 and 1800 landed property in and around
IVIadras was acquired, exchanged, and alienated without any
reference to the Society. John Pereiras garden was purchased
by one of the early missionaries. It was not included in the

1 Taylor's Memoir, p. 54, and S.P.C.K. Records (London).

- This opinion of Fabricius is noteworthy.

^ There is no mention of the property at John Perekas.

222 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

list of property made by Fabricius. There was a piece of
land at Seven Wells, which was exchanged in 1777 for a piece
at Korukapettah, as the Government required the wells for
their new water supply. The paddy-field bought by Fabricius
was exchanged by Gericke for a piece of land near Washerman's
gate, where he required a bmial-ground. The exchange was
effected with the Government, who wanted the paddy-field for
building purposes. There was no disadvantage to the mission
in what was done, as far as is known ; but the transactions
without the knowledge of the Society were surely and clearly
improper. In 1799 Gericke found a difficulty in the cultivation
of the paddy-fields, the padre-kotagam, at Cuddalore; so he
requested the Company's District Officer to manage them for
him, and handed them over. Only with difficulty were they
subsequently recovered for the mission.

The wealth of some of the S.P.C.K. missionaries at this
period has always been a cause of wonder to the admirers of
their devoted work. They acted as bankers and money-lenders ;
they were trusted with money for these purposes by persons
who knew more of their honesty than of their business capacity.
They used the mission funds as their capital. The pay they
received from the S.P.C.K. was only £50 a year until 1798, when
it was doubled. On the recommendation of Bishop Middle ton
it was increased to £150 in 1818, and to £200 in 1819, and it
was subsequently increased to £250 in 1821. It is easily under-
stood that up to 1798 they were obliged to look to some other
source of income to add to their mission pay. They who were
not able to obtain allowances from the Government as Chaplains
or interpreters, employed the mission money for this purpose.
But the system was as clearly wrong as it was contrary to the
Society's regulations. A proper representation of the inade-
quacy of the pay would have probably resulted in its increase.

The fact is that the S.P.C.K. neither guided nor governed.
They maintained a fixed number of missionaries, as many as
their resources would permit ; they encouraged them, blessed
their efforts, published annual accounts of their doings, sent
them gifts of money, books and press necessaries for the
furtherance of their work, and left the administration of the
mission entirely to their accepted nominees. They had for-

MISSION PROPERTY AND ADMINISTRATION 223

gotten the existence of their own regulations as completely as
the missionaries themselves.

This negligence would not have mattered much if all the
missionaries had been such unselfish Christian gentlemen as
Schwartz. Unfortunately, there came to Vepery a missionary
who was over-sensitive and hasty, and different in some impor-
tant particulars from any of his predecessors. In one fit of ill-
temper he gave up the English service in Vepery Church ; in
another he quarrelled with his Tamil congregation and called in
the police to overawe them ; in a third he closed the Printing
Press, dismissed the workmen, shut up the book depository, and
left the stores of books, bindings, and printing paper to take
their chance among the various tropical agencies of destruction.
This was the last straw which broke the back of the old system.
There were several gentlemen among the Company's servants
at the time, who were interested in mission work on principle,
who could see that it would be better not to do the work at
all than to do it in such a way and in such a spirit. They were
for guidance and government.

When Schwartz died in 1798 he left all his possessions,
including the mission funds, for the upkeep of the Tanjore
Mission, including Palamcottah and other distant stations.
He is said to have nominated C. W. Gericke and Christopher
Breithaupt as his executors and trustees.i

When Gericke died he left nearly all his possessions, includ-
ing the mission fmids, to five trustees, to be held by them in
trust for the upkeep of the Vepery Mission and its out-stations,
with special reference to Negapatam and the buildings there
which had been handed over to him ' for the mission ' in 1785.^
The executors were Mr. John Hunter, his son-in-law ; ^ Mr. C.
Breithaupt,^ his co-trustee in the Schwartz trust ; J. C. Kohlhoff
of Tanjore; and the three Tranquebar missionaries, Eottler,
Caemmerer, and John. He said in his will :

' I beg the above mentioned four missionaries to administer

^ His will has not been found.

- The w ill has not been found. It is quoted in Taylor's Memoir, App. xxx.
^ Of the firm of Hunter, Hay & Co.

'' Of the firm of Parry, Pugh & Breithaupt ; son of J. C. Breithaupt the
S.P.C.K. missionary of Vepery, ^\ho died in 1782.

224 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

together with Mr. Christopher Breithaupt the Tan j ore mission
fund made b}^ the late Eev. Mr. Schwartz for the support of the
mission of Tanjore and Palamcottah, agreeably to the late Rev.
Mr. Schwartz' will ; and see that there be a succession of faithful
administrators both to the Tanjore mission fund and to that
of Vepery.'

The irregularity of this appointment of fom* fresh trustees
to administer the Schwartz fmid will be seen at once. By
introducing three Tranquebar missionaries into the trust he
introduced an element of financial and administrative confusion,
but probably without intention. All the German missionaries
on the coast looked upon one another as brothers in the same
holy cause. They were of the same nationality ; they were
mostly educated in the same place ; and they belonged to the
same (Lutheran) denomination. They consulted one another
and lived in great friendship. But in financial and adminis-
trative matters they were in reality separated by their em-
ployment.

They at Tranquebar were employed by the Royal Danish
Mission, and received their pay from the King of Denmark.
Whatever mission property in buildings or land they possessed
they owned as agents of His Majesty's Copenhagen Mission.
They in the East India Company's territories were employed by
the London S.P.C.K. ; they were not Danish but British mission-
aries.i Whatever mission property they possessed they owned
as agents of the S.P.C.K. Schwartz appears to have under-
stood the property difficulty ; he appointed as his trustees a
British missionary and a British born subject. Gericke either
did not understand it, or he purposely tried to brush it aside.

When Gericke made his will at Vepery in 1803 his assistant
Paezold was preparing to take up an appointment at Calcutta
as Professor of Tamil in Fort William College. Perhaps this
was why he was not made a trustee. At the same time there
is evidence ~ to show that there was a want of sympathy and a
consequent barrier between the two men.

Whether the omission was intentional or not, Gericke
appointed as his executors and trustees a merchant in Madras,

' The Church in Madras, i. p. 278.
- Taylor's Memoir, d^c, p. 97.

MISSION PROPERTY AND ADMINISTRATION 225

three missionaries in Tranquebar, and one missionary at
Tanjore to manage the finance of the S.P.C.K. Vepery Mission.
It was obvious that one of the missionary trustees ought to
be stationed at Vepery for combined missionary and finance
purposes. Dr. J. P. Eottler was asked by the remaining
S.P.C.K. agents, at the urgent request of the Vepery congrega-
tion, and was permitted by his Tranquebar brethren, to take
charge of the Vepery Mission. He arrived in December 1803,
and having a good knowledge of the three languages required,
English, Portuguese, and Tamil, he was welcomed by all. He
was at once appointed Chaplain and Superintendent of the
Military Female Orphan Asylum. This appointment alone
gave him a higher salary than he had hitherto enjoyed. The
transfer was made subject to the approbation of his superiors
at Copenhagen, and the S.P.C.K. in London approved of it
and took him into their service subject to the same provision.

Paezold's appointment in Calcutta came to an end in August
1804, and he returned to Madras. Bottler gave up the mission
house to him, assisted him in the work of the mission, and
remained at Vepery to fulfil his new duties as trustee of the
funds and superintendent of the Asylum. The finance was
managed in this way. Kohlhoff received all the income of the
Schwartz fund, and applied it to needs of the Tanjore Mission.
Caemmerer was paid by Rottler what Gericke had been accus-
tomed to send to Negapatam for the needs of the agents and
the poor, and took the responsibility of superintending the
Negapatam Mission from Tranquebar. Paezold superintended
the Vepery Mission ; but instead of trusting Paezold with the
mission expenditure Rottler remained paymaster himself,
which Paezold deeply resented.

In 1807 letters arrived in Madras from Copenhagen in
which the transfer of Dr. Eottler from Tranquebar to Madras
was disapproved, and his return directed. Dr. Eottler liked
his new position and his increased emoluments, and resigned
the service of the Eoyal Danish Mission in order to retain them.
Soon after his resignation came letters from the S.P.C.K.,
saying that under the circumstances of disapproval at Copen-
hagen they could not keep him in their service. There had
always been extreme friendliness between the S.P.C.K. and the

VOL. II. Q

226 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Boyal Danish Mission at Copenhagen. It would have been an
unfriendly act to have done otherwise than they did. The
result was that Dr. Eottler remained m Madras, unconnected
with either mission, but the paymaster of one of them.

This state of affairs continued until the formation of the
District Committee in 1815. Eottler pursued his literary
tastes in the translation of the Praj^er-book, and in the compila-
tion of a Tamil dictionary. At the Female Asylum he met the
Company's Chaplains, and some of the more important official
and imofficial residents in Madras. Having pleasing manners
he made them his friends, and obtained by their influence the
post and the pay of Visiting Chaplain to the Dutch at Pulicat,
and of assistant to the Chaplain of Black Town. His time
was full}^ occupied, and his work at the Female Asylum was
much appreciated. But his relationship to the S.P.C.K. was
quite extraordinary. There is no record to show what the
S.P.C.K. in London thought of it, nor if his anomalous position
caused them to make any inquiry about the various properties
held in their name on the coast. They seem to have had souls
above bricks and mortar, rice fields, and rupees, and if it had
not been for Bishop Middleton and a few interested Madras
laymen, they would probably have lost their ' mission ' property
m the south altogether.

Bishop Middleton before his consecration as first Bishop of
Calcutta was vicar of St. Pancras, London, and a prominent
member of the S.P.C.K. He knew some of the difficulties
at Madras. Soon after his arrival at Calcutta he communicated
his desire to the Archdeacon of Madras that a District Com-
mittee of the S.P.C.K. should be formed at the Presidency
to-^Ti on the plan adopted by the Society in Great Britain. The
connnittee was formed in August 1815. It consisted of the
Archdeacon, the three Chaplains in Madras, Messieurs John
Hodgson, John Gwatkin, and Richard Clarke of the Company's
Civil Service; Major de Havilland of the Madras Engineers,
and Captain Ormsby. the Presidency Magistrate. The chief
function of district committees was the distribution of the
Society's books. The Vepery missionary, C. W. Paezold,
resented the formation of the committee as an interference
witli his own work. There had been no intention to hurt his

MISSION PROPERTY AND ADMINISTRATION 227

feelings, but they were hurt. The closing of the book depository-
was one result of his resentment.

Paezold had had quarrels and litigation with his Portuguese
and Tamil congregations, and had alienated his English-speak-
ing parishioners. He had shut up the mission press, stored
away the S.P.C.K. books and printing paper in a careless way,
and was manifestly inspired by quite another spirit than that
which had animated his predecessors.

Tlie Bishop arrived at Madras on visitation in December
1815. He found the press shut up, the S.P.C.K. books perishing
from insects, and general ill-feeling in the Vepery Mission. He
ordered Paezold to place all the books sent out by the Society
at the disposal of the District Committee, and to obtain an
estimate of the cost of putting the press in working order.
When he wrote to the Society he reported the Vepery Mission
to be ' in a very moderate condition,' and he blamed ^ Paezold,
' under whom its operations had been languid and its resources
misapplied.'

Up to this time the committee had merely received the
remittances sent out by the Society. Now it was endowed
with the charge of some of the Society's property. There is
ample proof that the committee regarded Paezold with suspi-
cion,2 and were prepared to take charge of all the property he
was neglecting. In 1815 Dr. Rottler had completed his trans-
lation of the Prayer-book into Tamil. It was for work of this
kind that the Vepery Mission Press existed, and that the
S.P.C.K. sent out stores of paper, type, and binding. But
neither press nor paper was available, and Rottler appealed
to the committee.

Paezold died in November 1817. The property and the
accounts of the mission were found to be mixed up with his
own, and all were in great confusion. His executors applied
to the Vepery catechist for assistance to separate them. The
catechist wrote to the surviving S.P.C.K. missionaries, Pohle
and Kohlhoff, for advice and support. They recognised the
necessity of having some person connected with the Society
in charge of the mission and its property at Vepery. They

1 Le Bas' Life of Bishop Middlefon, i. 200.
- Taylor's Memoir, Appendix E.

228 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

themselves had more work than they could do where they were,
for in addition to their work at Trichinopoly and Tanjore they
had the oversight of the work at all the mission stations south of
the Coleroon, There was only one missionary at Tranquebar ;
it was impossible to borrow his services, even temporarily.
They knew that Dr. Rottler was in Madras. There was a
difficulty in asking him to take up the work. He had done so
by their request in 1803, but the Society had been prevented
from retaining his services by the disinclination of the Danish
Society to part with him. They determined therefore to ask
the Madras District Committee to undertake the charge,
probably in the hope that they would appoint or obtain the
appointment for Rottler. They accordingly wrote to the
Secretary of the M.D.C. ^ and said :

' The mission being deprived of a fit person to take charge
of the properties belonging to the same, and to minister to the
spiritual concerns of the native Christians, we humbly beg that
the M.D.C. will be kindly pleased to take charge of the Hon.
Society's mission at Madras, till a representation be made to
his Lordship the Bishop of Calcutta, and his pleasure be made
known. Trusting that the benevolence of the Committee will
relieve us of our concern for the mission by their kind com-
pliance with our request,' &c.

This letter was dated November 15, 1817.

A special meeting of the M.D.C. was convened to consider
this request. On December 4, 1817, a series of resolutions was
sent to Pohle and Kohlhoff :

1. Under the circumstances to accept the trust delegated
to them.

2. To ask Dr. Rottler to resume the clerical duties of the
Vepery mission Church.

3. To appoint a special committee to ascertain the nature,
extent, and condition of the property of the mission at the
Presidency ; to take measures for its preservation, arid for the
temporary administration of the several charities connected
with it.

4. To send a report of their proceedings with information

' Taylor's Memoir, p. 136.

[MISSION PROPERTY AND ADMINISTRATION 229

of the present state of the mission and its concerns to the
parent Society and to the Calcutta Diocesan Committee of the
S.P.C.K.

5. To send a report also to the Right Hon. the Governor in
Council, ' as the mission of the Venerable Society has ever
been favoured with the special regard and protection of the
local Government, and of the Hon. the Court of Directors.'

Dr. Eottler undertook the charge subject to certain financial
conditions ; i and he undertook to co-operate with the com-
mittee, and to give all the information he could regarding the
Gericke trust. He immediately began to lean on the committee
for support ; he wrote on December 26, 1817, asking for in-
structions about the re-opening of the press and receiving orders
for books, and the committee gave him loyal support in every
way. They issued the following notice to the various agents
and native Christians of the mission :

* The Rev. Dr. J. P. Eottler having been put in charge of
the clerical superintendence of the mission concerns at Vepery,
you are directed to attend to his orders as your pastor and
minister.'

The Bishop of Calcutta heartily approved of what had been
done. He wrote to the Society in London in 1818 and said
that the M.D.C. deserved the Society's warmest thanks, and
especially Mr. Richard Clarke, the honorary secretary ;3 he
considered it a providential circumstance that the committee
existed.^ The Society approved of all that had been done,
gave the committee their best thanks, and re-appointed Dr.
Rottler to their staff.

The special committee of inquiry commenced their work by
overhauling the press and book store. They found abundance
of books, dictionaries, grammars, Bibles, hymns, and other
Tamil books ; they found a binding press which only required
to be fixed and set up, and a large supply of binding materials.
There was abundant cause for the intervention of the M.D.C,
or of some similar body of Christian gentlemen interested in
the prosecution of the Society's work.

1 W. Taylor's Memoir, pp. 138-39.

- Minutes of the East India Committee of the S.P.C.K., May 8 aud 9, 1818.

3 S.P.C.K. Report for 1818, p. 163.

230 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Having taken this first step in the direction of conserving
the mission property, the special committee proceeded to inquire
fm'ther about the property m land, houses, and funds. With
the assistance of the civil authorities they obtained a correct
list of all the mission houses and lands. i

In January 1818 Christian Pohle of Trichinopoly died.
J. C. Kohlhoff thus became the only missionary of the Society
in the Carnatic."^ He could confer with his co-trustees ^ on
matters concerning the Schwartz and Gericke trusts ; but by
the Society's regulations he was the sole manager and super-
intendent of all the Society's concerns in the south. Wisely
he declined so great and extensive a responsibility. He made
the necessary arrangements for carrying on the work at Trich-
inopoly, and he wi'ote to the M.D.C. reporting what he had
done. It seems only a little matter, but it was one of the several
steps by which the M.D.C. were led from their original position
of book distribution to the more important position of general
control.

The special committee were much concerned at the state
of the Vcpery mission buildings. They obtained from Major
de Havilland an estimate of the cost of repair ; and they wrote
to the Gericke trustees and asked them to co-operate with the
M.D.C. by placing fmids at then disposal to meet the cost.
Bottler not only advised compliance, but expressed the desira-
bility of placing the whole Gericke fund at the disposal of the
committee, and of seeking release from the responsibility of
fm'ther trusteeship. Breithaupt agreed and went further still ;
he proposed that the committee should be asked to take over the
Schwartz fund also. Caemmerer agreed with both proposals ;
he had received inquiries from the committee about his ad-
ministration of the grant allotted from the Gericke fund to
Negapatam, ' by which it seems they are considering me under
their authority ' ; he desired to be relieved of connection with

^ This list was a more complete one than that of 1787 ; it included the
burial-ground and garden at John Pereiras. Taylor's Memoir, p. 164.

- The news of Rottler's and Holtzberg's re-employment had not reached
Madras.

' Caemmerer of the Danish Mission, Rottler of Vcpery, and Christopher
Breithaupt the merchant.

MISSION PROPERTY AND ADMINISTRATION 231

the fund. Kohlhoff agreed with all the others ; the trusteeship
was a source of great anxiety to him.

The M.D.C. were not prepared to take so much responsibiHty
on their own shoulders. They were interested in mission
concerns, and were appointed by the Bishop of Calcutta to
promote them ; their desire was to make the mission work as
effective, and the mission cause as successful as possible. At
the same time they were officers in the Company's service,
professional men and private merchants, who had their own
work to do, and were not anxious to have their daily labours
largely increased.

They therefore replied that they were not authorised by
their constitution to interfere in any way with the Society's
missions, and that there did not appear to be the same urgent
call to accept the trust now proposed, as there was for taking
charge of the Vepery branch of the mission when it was left
without superintendence.! They added that they had referred
to the parent Society on the subject, and would resume consider-
ation of the proposal on receivmg a reply to their reference.

The proposal of Bottler was merely to unite the sources
of income of the Vepery Mission into one fund for the general
good of the mission. If the income of the Gericke trust fund,
the rents of houses and lands, the profits of the printing press,
and the profits on the sale of books were all put together and
kept in one account, he thought it would be better for the
mission. Breithaupt's proposal was that the M.D.C. should
take charge of all the fmids and keep the accounts themselves.

The question was considered by the S.P.C.K. in July 1819.
They agreed that it would be a very desirable measure to have
the legacies brought under the management of the M.D.C.,^
whom they heartily thanked for their laborious care of the
mission concerns. And they went further still ; they asked
the Bishop of Calcutta how far the M.D.C. might with
advantage manage and direct the Society's mission on the
coast. The Bishop doubted 3 if the dhection of missionary
proceedings by the M.D.C. would be expedient, but considered

' Taylor's Meynoir, p. 171.

2 Minutes of the East India Committee, S.P.C.K., July 2, 1810.

» Minutes of the East India Committee, S.P.C.K., July 24, 1820.

232 THE CHURCH IN MiU)RAS

that the financial concerns might very fitly be vested in
them.

Besides the registration and repair of all the mission property
in Vepery in 1818, the M.D.C. did a useful service to the
missionaries in that year in connection with their pay. At the
end of the yeav 1817 the Society sent out a draft for £500 to
Paezold, being the salaries and gifts for that year ; this arrived
after his death, and foil into the hands of his executors, who
refused to give it up.i The M.D.C. acted promptly and obtained
the suspension of payment by the Government. They also
persuaded the Government to advance the money to them for
the payment of the salaries, a bond of indemnity being entered
into with the Government by three members of the committee.^
This circumstance resulted in a change of financial method.
Henceforth the salaries were sent to the M.D.C. for disburse-
ment instead of to the senior missionary at Vepery.

The M.D.C. had not taken over charge of the Vepery Mission
very long before they came to the conclusion that the salaries
given were too small. They represented this to the Bishop of
Calcutta, who concurred with their opinion, and wrote strongly
on the question to the Society .3 The result was that the salaries
were raised from £100 to £150, and the Bishop was told that
if he deemed it proper and expedient he might add on the
Society's account £50 more.

Dr. Bottler sent reports of the Vepery and Negapatam
missions and mission schools and of the Vepery Press to the
M.D.C. both in 1818 and in subsequent years ; he spent no
money over repairs without asking their consent. But this
did not blind them to the fact that their powers were limited.
They acknowledged the receipt of his reports ; but when he
asked their permission in 1818 to amalgamate two of the
mission schools,'^ they at once replied that they were not
authorised to consider such questions of missionary detail.
Dr. Bottler was either consciously learning to depend upon the
committee, or was unconsciously falling into the habit of doing

' Minute.^ of the East India Committee of the 8.P.C.K., May 9, 1818 ;
March 6, 1819 ; and Feb. 2, 1824.

* Archdeacon Mousley, the Rev. R. Keating, and Richard Clarke, Esq.
' Minutes of the Erist India Committee of the S.P.C.K., March 6, 1819.
■• The \'epery Free JSchool for Eurasians and the Tamil School.

MISSION PROPERTY AND ADMINISTRATION 233

so. Ill the year 1819 he sought their advice as to where two of
the three new men i who had just arrived should be stationed.
The M.D.C., without any assumption of right, recommended
that they should study Tamil in Madras, and reminded Rottler
that it rested with him and Kohlhoff to determine the place
of actual residence afterwards, subject to the approval of the
Bishop. At the same time they expressed a hope that one
would be stationed at Vepery. That was just what Rottler
wanted. He required an assistant and did not like to give
himself one. A little later he recommended that Rosen should
be sent to Trichinopoly. The committee approved, and added :

' But you are aware that it does not rest with them to
determine on the stationing or removing of the missionaries.
The Committee will lose no time in forwarding a copy of your
letter to the Lord Bishop of Calcutta, who alone can confirm
the propositions agreed upon in this respect by yourselves.'

In undertaking to distribute the Society's salary grants
and to take charge of their stores, the M.D.C. was making
a greater fundamental change of administration than they
knew. It suited Kohlhoff and Rottler, but subsequent mission-
aries complained bitterly of it. They said that it reduced them
from the honourable position of being direct agents of the
Society to that of subordinates of a local committee. Certainly
the handling of money adds importance to a person in the
eyes of a native of India ; the paymaster is always held in
honour.

Gradually and without any intention on their part the
Committee was sHpping into the position of authority. They
were anxious that the old system should continue, by which
the missionaries managed their own work in their own way,
but subject to the approval of the Bishop. The responsibihty
of administration and control was forced upon them by the
disinclination of Rottler and Kohlhoff to pursue the old policy.
They sought to limit their own powers, but circumstances
were against them. Control was bound to follow in the wake
of grants. For several years before 1822 they had made a
grant of Rs.40 each month for the upkeep of the Palamcottah

^ Rosen and Haubroe.

234 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

schools. In 1822 they called for a report of the schools and of
the expeiiditiu'e of the grant. The duty of a committee which
makes grants is to be assm-cd that the money is properly spent.
It was along these lines that control inevitably advanced in
spite of the unwillingness of the parent Society to grant it,
and of the District Committee to assume it.

The Palamcottah missionary was called upon to make a
report in consequence of the grant. The Committee had no
intention of studying reports from stations where they made no
grants. A report was sent to them soon afterwards from Cudda-
lore, but they sent it on to Rottler as a matter pertaining to the
missionaries themselves. All their actions showed that they
had no desire to rule, nor to do anything more than protect the
propert}^ and the interests of the mission.

In September 1820 another opportunity occurred of ex-
tending their powers if they had had any desire to do so. There
was a caste dispute in the Vepery congregation. One of the
disputants appeared before the police magistrate with a com-
plaint. The magistrate, Captain W. Ormsby, was a member
of the M.D.C. He wrote to the Secretary asking him to inter-
vene and stop the litigation. The secretary, Mr. J. Gwatkin,
ck'culated the letter to his committee, and asked them to
determine if they esteemed themselves competent to decide
a matter so ecclesiastical. He reminded them that the S.P.C.K.
made their missionaries independent of the M.D.C. in such
matters, which in the first instance were to be determined by
the missionaries themselves, with appeal to the Bishop. The
other members of the special committee agreed that they were
not competent to notice differences of opinion in the congrega-
tion ; ' it is evident by every letter from England that the
Society is not inclined to allow the M.D.C. to interfere with
mission functions.' And so the caste contention was left
untouched by the committee, possibly to the disadvantage of
the Vepery Mission.

From 180B to 1823 the whole of the mission funds of the
Schwartz and Gericke trusts were held by Dr. Eottler. There
can be no doubt that he took counsel with the missionaries and
with some member of the M.D.C. as to how he could be relieved
of the charge. In 1822 he tried to achieve this by getting

MISSION PROPERTY AND ADMINISTRATION 235

Haubroe co-opted to the trust, and giving up the mission
accounts to him and the other Vepery missionary. But this
co-option was disallowed by the Judge of the Supreme Court.
In such a matter it was impossible to proceed without reference
to liim. It was therefore decided by the missionaries in confer-
ence to invest the whole sum in Government bonds ; to deposit
the bonds for safe custody at a banking house in Madras ; and
to use only the interest for mission purposes. Accordingly the
Vepery missionaries ^ appeared at the office of Messrs. Arbuthnot
and delivered up all the promissory notes and cash in their
possession, amounting to over one and a half lacs of rupees.
One cannot help seeing in this transaction the wise advice of
the District Committee.

In March 1824 Eottler wrote to Kohlhoff at Tanjore and
told him that the Tanjore mission fund, amounting to Es. 88,600,
was to be regarded as capital, and that the half-yearly interest
must be made to meet expenses ; ' if you require more than the
interest ... it will be advisable to address the M.D.C. or
the Bishop.'

He also wrote to the surviving trustees of the Gericke fund
informing them that the Vepery mission fund amounted to
Es.67,000 ; that it was invested in the Company's bonds ; and
that the interest was payable on demand half-yearly by the
Vepery missionaries. He added : ' These sums so invested are
in my opinion entire ; so that in future no part of them can be
sold ; and if you approve of the same I beg you to do it by your
signature.' To this they signed their names.

In the draft of the letter, according to Wilham Taylor,^
there were pencil variations in another hand, showing that
Eottler had submitted it to some one for criticism. It is no
secret that he had wisely relied upon Eichard Clarke and John
Gwatkin for guidance. They knew more about business
matters than he did.

For a year the two funds were treated as one ; but as the
Vepery and Tanjore missionaries never knew exactly what their
credit balances were, the funds were separated in 1824.

At this time the Government gave notice of their intention
to pay off existing loans by borrowing money at a lower rate

1 Rottler, Haubioe, and Falcke. - Taylor's Memoir, pp. 277-79.

236 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

of interest. The M.D.C. watched the process of conversion so
that the mission should got the full benefit of it. It is probable
that the}^ were anxious that the whole amount should be
re-invested and kept entire.

The service thus rendered to the mission was very great,
and none recognised its value more thoroughly than Dr. Bottler
himself. From that time he leaned more and more upon the
M.D.C, and Avould hardly do anything without their consent
and approval. The annual accounts of all the missions were
submitted to them. They were consulted before transfers were
arranged and vacant stations filled up. They made their
recommendations and remarks. This was a change from their
former attitude. The position was not one which they had
sought, mdeed they had more than once refused it; it was
forced upon them by the circumstances of the case, and that
so strongly that they could no longer resist it.

CHAPTEE XII

COMMITTEE RULE IN THE MISSION FIELD, 1824 TO 1835

The Committee and property. The Tanjore misappropriation. The sale of
missions. The M.D.C. as a trustee. Transfer to the S.P.G. The new
S.P.G. Committee. The S.P.G. rules. The new committee and the
Government. Call for returns and reports. Their important work.
They assume financial control. The M.D.C. rules for themselves and the
missionaries. Former sanctioned by the S.P.G. Latter referred to the
Bishop. The M.D.C. adopt their own rules. The Missionary rules.
Justification of them. Present times.

The development of committee rule which has been traced
was one of the principal results of the accumulation of property.
Pure evangelistic work united the workers and the societies
which employed them. Property divided both. There was
property at Tranquebar in which the S.P.C.K. and its mission-
aries had no part ; there was property in the Company's
territories in which the Eoyal Danish Missionary Society and
its Tranquebar agents had no part. The common nationality
of the workers could not make such property as there was
common to all.

The Madras District Committee of the S.P.C.K. watched
over the mission property with a view to its preservation for
the Society. The absurdity of leaving mission funds in the
hands of missionaries, to be absorbed in their private estate
by their executors on their death, was patent to all. The
committee had fears also of misappropriation during the
lifetime of the missionaries, which were not groundless.
Between 1823 and 1825 Sperschneider of Tanjore, with the
approval of his superior Kohlhoff, rebuilt the mission house
at Tanjore at a cost of Es.13,600. On its completion he

238 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

wrote and asked Dr. Bottler to pay the cost out of the Tanjore
mission fund, or to borrow the sum on the security of the
fund. The expense was incurred without any previous
reference to the committee or the trustees of the fund, and
without the permission of anyone in authority. Considering
the cheapness of local labour, it was a very large sum to spend
on the building of a mission house, and Dr. Rottler was
greatly upset. He wrote to the M.D.C. : ' It will, I see, be
necessary to submit the whole business to the counsel and
direction of the M.D.C ; and he wrote to his co-trustees,
Kohlhoff and Caemmerer, telling them that he had consulted
the M.D.C, and that they were of opinion that the whole
matter should be laid before the Bishop on his arrival in
1826.^

Before this occurred the M.D.C. had been brought face
to face with another possibility. In the year 1817 the
Tranquebar missionaries, who had been left for several years
without help from Denmark, proposed to the Bishop of
Calcutta that he, as the representative of the S.P.C.K., should
purchase the Tranquebar Mission, with all its property in
Churches, school-houses, and lands, for the amount of its
then indebtedness to money-lenders.^ Soon afterwards the
customary supplies were renewed and the subject of transfer
was dropped.'^ Supplies were again stopped in 1819, and a
transfer'^ of eleven catechists, 1300 Christians, with chapels
and school-houses in the Tanjore country, was made to Kohl-
hoff of Tanjore, on condition that he would provide for their
upkeep. Bishop Middleton approved of the transfer.^

If there was nothing to prevent the Tranquebar mission-
aries from handing over their work and property to others
for a consideration, there was nothing to prevent their friends
and fellow-countrymen employed by the S.P.C.K. in the
Company's territories from doing the same thing, if they were
so minded, unless the property and the work were in some way
safeguarded.

' Taylor's Memoir, p. 315.

- Minutes of the East India Committee, S.P.C.K., April 20, 1818.
•' Minutes of the East India Committee, S.P.C.K., May 8, 1818.
"• Minutes of the East India Committee, S.P.C.K., July 2, 1819.
^ Minutes of the East India Committee, S.P.C.K., July 2, 1821.

COMMITTEE RULE IN THE MISSION FIELD 239

To defeat all possible chances of transfer, the S.P.C.K.
requested the Bishop of Calcutta to take the Tanjore and
Trichinopoly Missions under his protection,! as he had already
taken the Vepery Mission. They were about to withdraw
from direct missionary work themselves, and to place the care
of their missions with the S.P.G. Their German agents would
be thus assured that the mission and its property were not
deserted, and left to the workers to dispose of as they pleased.

For several years before the S.P.C.K. transferred its
duties to others, it had learned to depend upon the M.D.C.,
and to make use of them for all purposes. There was
no definite appointment or authorisation. Confidence had
grown gradually. The Society was glad enough to have a
body of men at Madras whom it could trust to carry out its
policy and preserve its property. The Society had not
desired to destroy the independence of the missionaries, nor
had the District Committee ; but it was impossible to trust
them at this period as completely as had been done in the
past. The two seniors. Bottler and KohlhofT, were incapable
of giving the younger men a lead ; the younger men in
consequence went their own way. The M.D.C. were alive
to the danger of their German agents failing to associate
their work and the mission property with the Society which
employed them. Occasionally the younger missionaries
spoke of ' our mission ' in a spirit and tone of dissocia-
tion.2 It seems certain that the M.D.C. preserved the whole
mission to the Church of England ^ as truly as it preserved
the mission property to the S.P.C.K.

The transfer was not undertaken without reason and
thought. The S.P.C.K. was convinced that the missionaries
would be placed on a better footing under the S.P.G. — a
chartered Society under the presidency of the Primate — than
under a voluntary association like their own ; ' their mission-
aries will in fact be missionaries of the Church of England.'

1 Minutes of the East India Committee, S.P.C.K., Dec. 13, 1824. It
is not kno^vn why this was not done by Bishop Middleton ten years before,
if it was not done ; probably it was done, but not reported.

- ArcMeacori's Eecc/rds; Letter of Schreyvogel to the Secretary M.D.C,
March 25, 1829.

^ Minutes of the East India Committee, S.P.C.K., Feb. 2, 1824.

240 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

' With Bishop's College ^ for their University and the chartered
Society for their masters, a degree of national countenance
will he afforded to the missions which they can never obtain
under the present system.' They added that they proposed
to confine their efforts to furnishing Europeans and natives
with assistance and instruction by means of books and schools.

The S.P.G. accepted the oversight of the missions in
southern India in 1825, A Madras District Committee was
formed in 1826. But the Society was not able to send any
missionary for the work until 1829. The intervening years
were years of great anxiety to all concerned. The only
crumb of comfort to the two societies was that their interests
and their property and the mission cause were in such safe
hands as those of their District Committees. The S.P.C.K.
committee could not divest itself of its responsibilities all at
once, because the S.P.G. committee was not prepared to take
them over. They gradually divested themselves of the
mission property and put the S.P.G. in possession ; but they
had to wait for the time of full surrender until the working
representatives of the S.P.G. arrived.

The Madras District Committee of the S.P.G. being formed,
the parent Society in June 1827 prescribed its duties by
resolution.- They resolved :

' That it will be the duty of the committees lately formed
in aid of the Society in India to collect subscriptions in further-
ance of their designs ; to superintend and support the native
schools of the Society, as far as their funds will allow, within
their respective Presidencies ; to correspond with and assist
the missionaries in all temporal affairs without interference
with their spiritual charge ; to communicate fully with the
Society on all these topics ; and to transmit an abstract of
their proceedings to the College ^ Council.'

The S.P.G. had rules of their own for the guidance of the

' Calcutta.

- Present : the Bishops of London and Calcutta (Turner), the Van. Dr.
Barnes (first Atchdeacon of Bombay), Messieurs Campbell and Richard Clarke
(late Madras Civil Service).

^ Bishop's College, Calcutta, the then recognised headquarters of the
Society in India.

COMMITTEE RULE IN THE MISSION FIELD 241

missionaries in their employ, which had stood the test of use
in other parts of the world for a century and a quarter.!
Nothing was said in these rules about finance, property, or
committees. It was not apparently contemplated that the
missionaries would erect buildings, accumulate property, or
even hold cash balances. However, buildings came and
property too, and it became necessary to enlist the services
of businesslike laymen to deal with them. The first auxihary
committee was formed at Halifax, Nova Scotia, in 1769.2
After seven years the committee found it necessary to apply
to the Society for coercive power over the missionary clergy.
The Society considered that such a power ' would be highly
improper,' and the Halifax committee resigned.

In the 1827 rules relating to committees in India nothing
was said about financial control or coercive power. The
accumulation of funds and real property in the Madras
missions had made it necessary for the Bishops of Calcutta
to give these powers to the local committee of the S.P.C.K.
Without the powers they could not have conserved the
property. The new S.P.G. committee contained several
members of the older S.P.C.K. committee. They had their
own experience of the necessities of the case ; and because they
knew it to be necessary, they exercised control and coercive
power without hesitation from the moment of their existence,
with the knowledge and consent of the Bishop of Calcutta.^

The committee began its reign by informing the Govern-
ment of Madras of the transfer from the S.P.C.K. to the S.P.G.
which had taken place, and of their own future responsibility
for the superintendence of the old established missions.
This incident is an interesting sidehght on the happy rela-
tionship which existed then, and had existed for a hundred
years before, between the Government and the mission.
The letter was sent on the declared ground that ' these

' Pascoe's Two Hundred Years of the S.P.G., p. 837. These regulations
were probably the foundation of those drawn up by the S.P.C.K, in 1735 for
the guidance of theii- agents in India.

- Pascoe's Two Hundred Years of the S.P.G., p. 759.

^ See the correspondence in the Wissing case in The Bisho'p's Records,
Madras, Aug. to Nov. 1828.

VOL. II. B

242 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

missions and the ministers had hitherto enjoyed the protec-
tion and assistance of the Hon. Court of Directors as well
as of the local Governments in India.'

They then requested the missionaries to furnish them
with information about each mission station, and to send
half-yearly school, fmancial and statistical reports. They
inquired into the nature and amount of mission property
administered locally. They arranged to pay the mission-
aries monthly instead of half-3'"early. In less than two
months they collected over Rs.6000 for the mission purposes,
and began to make grants for the repair of the many mission
buildings. They dealt with the misappropriations at Tanjore
and Trichinopoly, which had been reported to the S.P.C.K.
committee. Briefly they took up the work of guidance,
government, and control at the point where that committee
had laid it down.

The first four years of their existence as a committee were
full of anxiety and business. The mission stafi' was inade-
quate ; some of the older mission stations were not even
occupied. At the suggestion of Bishop Heber they engaged
the services of the Eev. D. Schreyvogel of the Tranquebar
Danish Mission to carry on the work at Trichinopoly. The
engagement was subject to the permission of his superior at
Tranquebar.^ They purchased a mission house at Negapa-
tam ; recovered from sequestration the padre-kotagam lands
at Cuddalore ; and they made an attempt to carry out Bishop
Heber's suggestion to use the lands as an agricultural settle-
ment for Christians.^

From a certain point of view the most important thing
of all was the action they took with regard to mission finance.
At the beginning of each year they had before them the
reports and financial returns of the several missionaries for
the previous year. After examining the accounts for the
year 1826, it seemed to them that it would be far better for

* It is stated by Fengcr {Ilidanj of the Tranquebar Mission) that Schrey-
vogel ' joined the English Church by reordination in 182G ' ; and it has been
supposed from this that ho was ordained by Bishop Heber. There is no record
of the ordination. If it had been arranged or had taken place the permission
of the Superior to go to Trichinopoly would not have been required.

- Coinmillce Minutes, Oct. 21, 182(j.

COMMITTEE RULE IN THE MISSION FIELD 243

all concerned if they relieved the missionaries of the manage-
ment of the pecuniary concerns of the Vepery Mission by
taking over the administration of the trust funds. They
therefore wrote to the missionaries :

* Some time will elapse before Dr. Eottler will be able to
give up in legal form the trust which ho holds of property
bequeathed for mission purposes ; the Committee are of opinion
that you should in the meantime have the option of being
relieved from the trouble of accounts, and the responsibility of
pecuniary concerns, excepting so far as presenting monthly
abstracts and paying the establishment.

' The Committee are persuaded that you will readily perceive
the prudence of such a measure ; for it frequently happens
that the habits and pursuits of a minister of the Gospel render
him averse or even incompetent to have the charge of accounts ;
or if it should be otherwise, still it appears advisable that he
should have as few distractions as possible from his spiritual
charge.'

At their next quarterly meeting a letter was read from
Dr. Eottler and his colleague at Vepery agreeing to the
transfer of the Vepery mission funds to the committee, and
desiring to be relieved of all matters of finance. The mission-
aries offered no objection, and the committee were thus
encouraged to go further. In July 1827 they passed this
resolution :

' The General Meeting taking into consideration the errors
and confusion which are found in most of the mission accounts,
and the want of method that prevails in the statements which
they have received, resolve that it be referred to the Select
Committee to prepare for the approval of the General Committee
such rules and regulations as shall appear best calculated to
bring the accounts of the several missions under one uniform
system of management, and to provide against inability and
carelessness in keeping accounts.'

The Select Committee drew up two sets of rules ; one
set for the guidance of the committee and the honorary
secretary, and the other for the guidance of the missionaries.
It must be presumed that these rules, after being adopted by

244 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

the General Committee, ^Yere sanctioned by the Bishop of
Calcutta ; for the first duty of the committee was to advance
the designs of the Society under the Bishop's direction.

The rules were sent home to the parent Society and were
discussed by the East India Committee. Those relating to
the committees and the secretary were approved and adopted. ^
The East India Committee had a difficulty with regard to the
rules relating to missionaries. It did not appear to them that
it was within their province to sanction them. According
to the principles of the Society the missionaries were under
the jurisdiction of the Bishop; if it pleased him to delegate
his authority in non-spiritual matters to the Madras District
Committee of the Society, it was not for them to express either
approval or disapproval, but merely to acquiesce when
assured that the rules had the Bishop's sanction.

The M.D.C. received in 1829 the sanction of the Society
for their committee rules, with the intimation that reference
was being made to the Bishop regarding the rules for the
missionaries. Nothing more Avas heard of these rules until
1834. Meanwhile, the more simple rules drawn up in 1827
were in force.

In 1834 ~ the Rev. R. A. Denton, Hon. Secretary of the
M.D.C, was directed to write to the Society in these terms :

' In the year 1828 two sets of rules were sent home for the
approval of the Society, one referring to the Committee, the
other to the missionaries. The former was confirmed im-
mediately ; but the latter the Society deferred to confirm till
they had the opinion of the Bishop of Calcutta ; and as no
sanction '^ has ever yet reached the Committee, the missionaries
have not been called upon to obey them. I now enclose a
copy of these rules and am instructed to inform you that the
Committee have determined henceforth to consider them
applicable to the missionaries unless they hear from you to the
contrary.'

The committee rules recognised the paramount authority

' Proceedings of East India Committee, S.P.G., Feb. 28, 1829, p. 292.

2 Proceedings of East India Committee, S.P.G., vol. 1830-7, p. 294.

^ I.e. the sanction of the parent fcJociety, A\hiuh the M.D.C. wished to have.

COMMITTEE RULE IN THE MISSION FIELD 245

of the Bishop, ' under whose jurisdiction all the Society's
missions are placed.' This was rule 8 :

' That this Committee shall be considered to have the general
superintendence and control of all matters relating to the
temporal concerns of the missions and schools, including the
receipt and payment of salaries ; all proposals for exchanging,
repairing, and buying of houses and lands for the several
missions ; with all other affairs of a general nature ; care
being taken to avoid interference with the jurisdiction of the
Archdeacon, to whom if at the Presidency all resolutions agreed
to in his absence from the committee shall be communicated
before the same are acted upon.'

The Select Committee was to consist of the Archdeacon,
the Chaplains at the Presidency who were subscribers, and
six laymen.

The rules relating to missionaries obliged each missionary :

(1) To produce on arrival his credentials for the informa-
tion of the M.D.C., and to apply to the Bishop for his licence.

(2) To keep a journal, and to transmit a copy of it
quarterly to the M.D.C. for transmission home.

(3) To make half-yearly returns to the M.D.C. of schools
and sacred offices.

(4) To correspond with other Societies only through the
M.D.C.

(5) To abstain from interference with the duties of the
Chaplains where Chaplains were stationed.

(6) To obtain leave of absence from their station from the
M.D.C.

(7) To abstain from opening new stations except with the
approval of the Bishop after consideration by the M.D.C.

The rules correspond with those approved by Bishop
Heber for Calcutta and Bombay in 1825.1 The consecration
and arrival of a Bishop for the archdeaconry of Madras
resulted, of course, in the curtailment of the power of the
committee over the missionaries ; but most of the rules
were retained, and the principles underlying them were still
in force at the end of the nineteenth century. The difference

1 Minutes of the East India Committee, S.P.G., Nov. 17, 1830, p. 27.

246 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

made by the coming of the Bishop was that the District
Coimnittees became the missionary councils of the Bishop,
advising him in all matters connected with finance and
secularities. The Bishops have hitherto been glad of the
co-operation and practical help thus afforded.

The powers of the committee were at the beginning so
extensive that it is necessary to find some justification of
them. Let it suffice to say that the powers were necessary
at the time they were exercised. Since then they have been
more than once modified. Rules which keep men of genius
and power in leading strings are always a cause of resentment
and vexation. In the Diocese of Madras there have been
many missionaries of this stamp in the last seventy years.
It is only necessary to mention such names as Pope, Caldwell,
Huxtable, Strachan, Billing, Blake, Margoschis, and Sharrock
to show how necessary it has been to relax the rules and
decentralise.

Some of the matters reserved in the nineteenth century
for the consideration of the Madras Diocesan Committee
can be adequately dealt with by the representative District
Councils which were originated by Bishops Sargent, Caldwell,
and Cell. Local self-government is the first step towards
ecclesiastical independence. India will not have a self-
contained ecclesiastical polity until native Christians have
learned to manage their own affairs. The Diocesan Com-
mittees must be for some time to come the trustees of pro-
perty, the managers and critics of finance. They have done
a valuable work as such for the past eighty years. But the
necessity of their interference in all financial matters can
be brought gradually to an end. More and more work and
responsibility must be placed on the shoulders of the District
Committees, as the only method by which the native Chris-
tians of India will bo able to learn the art of self-government.

CHAPTER XIII

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1815 AND 1825

St. Mary Mcigdalen, Poonamallee. — Poonamallee Fort. A sanatorium. Early
ecclesiastical visits. The first Chaplain, 1806. The building of the Church.
Its consecration, 1819. Enlargement, 1848. Hough, Sawyer, and the
Mission chapel. Decision to abolish the station, 1833. Decision reversed.
Modern times.

The Madras Kirlc. — Appointment of Presbyterian ministers, 1813. The
building of Kirks in the Presidency towns. The Kirk Session, 1816. De
Havilland's design accepted and carried out. The cost and the Directors,
Proposal to reduce the number of Chaplains. Opposed by the Government
of Fort St. George.

C.M.S. Chapel, Black Town. — The goodwill of the Government. The original
intention of the C.M.S. Committee. Opposition of Hindu residents. De-
cision of the Government to provide the building. Hesitation of the C.M.S.
Committee. The proclamation regarding the building of Chui'ches and
chapels. Cost of the chapel. For whom was it built. Ridsdale. Tucker.
Chapel enlarged at expense of Government, 1826. Licensed, 1828. Repaired,
1872.

St. John's, Tellicherry. — Description of the place. The first Chaplain. The
first Church. Government paid four-fifths of the cost. Hough's evidence.
Ofier to transfer the chapel to the C.M.S. ; not accepted. Neglect of the
building. Brennen's bequest. New Church built on the old site. Cost.
Subscribers. Consecration, 1868. The Brennen memorials. The burial-
ground.

St. Mary Magdalen, Poonamallee. — At the beginning of
the eighteenth century Poonamallee was a walled town of
irregular shape. An old Mahomedan fort, built by the
Nawab of the Carnatic, stood a little to the south-east of the
centre of the town. The fort, which was rectangular,
occupied a space measuring 175 yards by 42. The rampart
was 18 feet high, and there was a moat round it. The posi-
tion was one of some military importance, for it was on the
road from the coast to Arcot, the headquarters of the Nawab.

248 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

In the middle of the century the East India Company entered
into alliance with the Nawab for mutual assistance against
the combined power of Mysore and the French. During
the struggle which took place between 1780 and 1800, Poona-
mallee, both as a fort and a town, was a place of military
importance to the Company as well as to the Nawab. Between
the dates mentioned there was generally a full regiment of
Europeans in the station, and it was found expedient and
necessary to keep a full regiment there during the first quarter
of the nineteenth century. During this time there were
no proper barracks, the men lived in the fort and in the town
where they could.

Poonamallee is so situated that the drainage is good, and
the place is consequently healthy. Its reputation as a health
resort came by degrees, but it came to stay. And when it
was not considered necessary to keep a regiment of Europeans
there any longer, it was retained as a convalescent depot
for the European troops throughout the whole of the Madras
command. A proper cantonment was laid out, barracks for
500 men were built, together with a set of married quarters,
the necessary military buildings, and a Church. The fort
itself w^as cleared of its buildings, and a hospital was erected
in their place.

This arrangement was made before the Nilgiri hills were
opened up as a health resort. The station is still used as a
sanatorium for men who would not be benefited by the more
rarefied and colder air of the hills.

It obtained the name of the Queen's Depot soon after it
became a sanatorium. At that time the Company had some
regiments of Europeans in their service. In each of the
Presidency armies there were also Queen's regiments. Poona-
mallee was intended specially for men of the Queen's regi-
ments. Hence the name. There are not so many European
troops in the southern Presidency now as there were seventy
years ago. The barracks consequently give more accom-
modation than is required, and the Church is larger than it
need be.

Poonamallee is nine miles W.N.W.^ of St. Thomas' Mount,

' Tlie Qazetteer says five miles north ; but this i.s ^v^ong.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1815 AND 1825 249

and about fifteen miles W.S.W. of Fort St. George. This
proximity to Madras and the Mount made it possible in the
early days to get the services of Chaplains when they were
urgently required. Archdeacon Leslie of Fort St. George
and the Rev. R. Owen of the Mount paid visits to Poonamallee
in 1795.^ Owen was there again in 179G. The Rev. R. H.
Kerr was there in 1802, and the Rev. C. Ball of the Mount
visited the station in 1803. The S.P.C.K. missionaries at
Madras looked after the soldiers' native wives here as at
other military stations. The Rev. C. W. Gericke is found
to have paid annual visits to Poonamallee up to the year of
his death, 1803. In 1806 the Rev. J. E. Atwood, the Chaplain
of the Mount, was appointed also Chaplain of Poonamallee,
and given a palankeen allowance " to enable him to pay
frequent and regular visits. In 1814 Poonamallee was made
a separate charge.^ This arrangement made the building
of a Church possible; for in their despatch of January 11,
1809, 153, Public, the Directors authorised the building of
a Church at all permanent military stations to which a
Chaplain was attached.

The Church was built in the years 1816 and 1817. It
had originally a nave 51 X 42 feet, and a chancel 16 x 12
feet, the height of the nave being 28 feet. It was intended
to accommodate 300 men, and it cost Rs.8586. It was
consecrated by Bishop Middleton on April 13, 1819, and
named in honour of St. Mary Magdalen. The Rev. William
Malkin was the Chaplain of Poonamallee when the Church
was built and consecrated.

The original furniture was probably of the same kind as
that at Arcot and other military Churches, consisting of
commissariat benches without backs. But in 1845 this was
altered, and the Directors expressed their approval.'*' The
addition of benches with backs made it necessary to enlarge
the building. This was done in 1848 by the addition of
two transepts, each 20 x 14 feet.'^ According to the official

1 Marriages at Fort St. Oeorge, by F. E. P.

- Despatch, Jan. 11, 1809, 15G, Public.

•^ Despatch, Nov. 3, 1815, 125, Mil.

•» Consultations, Dec. 9. 1845, 3, 4, and June 29, 1847, 8, Eccl.

* Despatch, July 16, 1851, 3, Eccl.

250 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

return of 1852 there was in consequence accommodation for
415 men, and the total cost of the building up to that date
was Rs. 17,268.

The Rev. James Hough succeeded Malkin in 1821. He
had been ministering to the garrison at Palamcottah, which
was at that time the centre of the S.P.C.K. Tinnevelly
Mission. At Palamcottah he had devoted much of his time
to the mission cause, and he brought with him to Poonamallee
all his missionary enthusiasm. He sought the assistance of
the Government to establish a school for the children of the
British soldiers ; but in this effort he was unsuccessful. There
was already a mission school where they were taught, and the
Government thought the mission school supplied all that
was necessary. It is not certain what Hough did. He was
only at Poonamallee about nine months. Bishop Caldwell,
a very careful historian,^ says that he erected a small native
Church and two schools, English and Tamil. On the other
hand the official return of Church buildings in 1852 states
that the small Church was built in 1824 by the Rev.
W. Sawyer, C.M.S. missionary. Probably Hough prepared
the way at Poonamallee for the C.M.S. Mission, as he had
previously done at Palamcottah, and left the little native
Church to be built after he had left the station. It was in-
tended for the native wives of the pensioners and soldiers and
their children. Without benches it accommodated a hundred
people. It measured internally 47 X 14 x 14 feet. It was
consecrated by Bishop Spencer in 1844, and named in honour
of St. Paul. This building has disappeared. But the local
mission is still fathered by the Chaplain, and the native
Christians hold their services in the garrison Church at times
when the building is not required by the Europeans.

Between 1830 and 1833 it was under consideration to
abolish the station altogether. An attempt was made to
keep convalescent soldiers at their own stations without
giving them the change of air and place which are now uni-
versally recognised to be advantageous. The number of
men at the depot was reduced, the Chaplain was withdrawn,
and the Chaplain of Black Town was ordered to visit the

' CaldueU's Ilidory of the Tinnevdly Mission.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1815 AND 1825 251

station occasionally.! tj^-^ policy did not, however, last
long ; it was defeated by the undoubted advantage which
Poonamallee possessed over all other miUtary stations in the
south for the salubrity of its climate, and its fitness to be a
convalescent depot.

In 1855 the Rev. Henry Taylor, one of the best of the
Chaplains on the Madras establishment, was removed from
the Cathedral to Poonamallee for certain teaching of which
Bishop Dealtry disapproved. Taylor appealed to the
Governor in Council through Archdeacon Shortland, who
defended the teaching in question. The Government sent
the appeal to the Directors, who felt bound to support the
authority of the Bishop. They wrote ^ that on these ques-
tions the Madras Government should deal solely with the
Bishop ; they regretted that Taylor's letter had been received
through any other channel ; that it was in effect an appeal
against the censure of his Diocesan.

Although the Church was consecrated in 1819, and a
regular succession of Chaplains has ministered at Poona-
mallee since 1803, there are no register or File Books before
the year 1842. There are no monuments either in the
Church or in the cemetery to show that any officer of rank or
distinction was ever connected with the place. No individual
gifts of any value have been made. In addition to the altar
plate provided by the East India Company, there is a small
chalice with a cover for hospital celebrations, but the name
of the giver is forgotten. There is also a small perforated
silver spoon for eucharistic use. It was presented by John
Pitt in 1856 when Henry Taylor was Chaplain. The coloured
east window was purchased by the congregation in 1892.
In the same year a room in the hospital was placed at the
disposal of the Chaplain to be used as a Chapel. The congre-
gation provided the funds to furnish it, and grants of Prayer-
books and hymn-books were made by the S.P.C.K. And
when, in the year 1900, the building was put in order, the roof
raised, and the furniture renewed by the Government, the
congregation raised the sum of Rs.236 to adorn the altar with
the usual ornaments. At the time there were about 200 men,

1 Despatch, Oct. 9, 1833, 8, Eccl. ^ Despatch, Dec. 5, 1855, 2, Eccl.

252 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

women, and children in the depot, and three commissioned
officers.

The Kirlv, Madras. — When the Act of 1813, which renewed
the Company's Charter mider certain conditions, was passed,
there was an incHnation among some members of Parliament
to press upon the Company the obligation of appointing
Presbj'terian ministers to the Presidency towns in India.i
The Company, however, annomiced their intention to make
such appointments, and the obligation was not pressed. This
is what they wrote to the three Governments of Bengal,
Madras, and Bombay; : ~

' In order to show our desire to encourage by every prudent
means in our power the extension of the principles of the
Christian religion in India, we have unanimously resolved
that an addition be made to the present clerical establishment
maintained by the Company at each of our Presidencies of
Bengal, Madras, and Bombay of one minister of the Church
of Scotland, with the same salary that is granted to the Junior
Chaplain at each of the Presidencies ; and we direct that a
suitable place of worship be provided or erected at each of our
principal settlements of Bengal, Madras,, and Bombay for those
members of the Church of Scotland whom we may permit to
proceed to India to act as Chaplains at either of those places.'

From the beginning of the eighteenth century when the
London Company and the English Company united, there was a
succession of Scotchmen ^ in the Company's service. Two of the
most notable Chaplains were Scotchmen, Stevenson and Bell."*
There were two Scotch Governors during the century, and
nearly all the free merchants at the beginning of the nineteenth
century were Scotchmen. They were not all Presbyterians.
A number of them did useful service as churchwardens and
sidesmen of St. Mary's.'^ But there was sufficient national
feeling among them to make them desire to see a Kirk in Madras,
even though they might prefer the services of the Church. It

' Hansard, Parliamentary Debates, June 21 (Lords), July 8 (Commons),
July 13 (Commons).

- Despatch to Fort St. George, Nov. 12, 1813, 2, Public.

^ The spelling of the period is retained.

■* See Church in Madras, i. G70, 078. " See ibid. i. 559, 560.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1815 AND 1825 253

is a noteworthy fact that when the Court of Dkectors decided
to employ Presbyterian ministers and to build Kirks, their
thoughts were not with the various Scotch regiments in India,
but with their servants and the free merchants of the Presi-
dency towns. The 1st Eoyal Eegiment was just completing
its Indian service. The Memoir of Sergeant Butler suggests
how greatly the men might have benefited all through their
service from the ministrations of a Chaplain who could under-
stand them and make himself understood. But the appoint-
ments were to the Presidency towns, and there the Kirks were
to be built.

The Directors seem to have had an idea that when they had
appointed the ministers and built the Kirks their duty would
be done, and that nothing more would be necessary. Li the
year 1815 the Government of Fort St. George reported that a
site had been purchased .i The Directors approved, and added
their hope that after building the Church they would be put to
no expense for upkeep."

There was a delay of five years between the arrival of the
Scotch minister and the building of the Kirk. During that time
Presbyterian services were held in the College Hall at Egmore.^
The records do not show that there was any general desire on
the part of the local Scotchmen to forsake St. George's or St.
Mary's for the sake of the new venture. There were however
some, and the number was sufficient to form a Kirk Session for
the management of Kirk affairs before the end of the year
1816.

The Kirk Session was authorised by the Government to
purchase ' the Mason's Lodge ' for the purpose of increasing
the area of their site.* It is probable that they conferred with
Major de Havilland, who had succeeded Colonel Caldwell as
Chief Engineer of the Presidency, to whom fell the duty of pro-
viding and carrying out the design of the building. De Havil-
land was more ambitious than Caldwell, and was not content
to get hold of a good design and copy it. He determined to

1 Letter, Jan. 25, 1816, Public.

- Despatch, Oct. 22, 1817, Eccl.

•* Letter, Jan. 25, 1816, 233, Public.

■• Consultations, Feb. 24, 1817, Nos. 13, U, Public.

254 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

have a domed building, and to work out all the calculations
himself. He lived in the Mount Road. In his own compound
he erected a small domed building as an experiment. ^ From
this he found out what support was required, and what outward
pressure had to be provided against ; and he submitted his plans
and estimates to the Governor in Council. The Governor was
a Scotchman and was much interested ui the originality of the
plans. Consequently the design was accepted and the estimate
passed, though the latter exceeded 1| lacs of rupees.'^

Li course of time the building was finished, and a steeple
was added of a somewhat similar design to that of St. George's,
Choultry Plain. The outside of the east wall is decorated
with the royal arms in relief. The lion has a hump like a
comitry bullock, and about this there has been a good deal of
amusing banter in Madras ever since."^ When the building was
ready for use it was fomid that the dome caused such an echo
that nothing that was said or read could be distinctly heard.
The echo had to bo killed ; this was done at a further expense
of Rs.4800. The Government of Madras wrote to the Directors
in 1822 recording all that had been done and the cost of the
work. This was the bill :

Building Es.178,037

Original cost of site .... 16,443
Further purchase of ground (paid from

Lottery Fund) * . . . . 2,406

Commission to Engineer . . . 14,746

Alteration to kill echo .... 4,800

Rs.216,432

The Directors in reply ^ expressed more than dissatisfaction ;
they were angry. They said that Churches ' more capacious
than that of St. Andrew's had been completed in various parts
of India for one-fourth part of the sum expended ' ; they said

' It is still standing and is used as a shop.
- Comullations, March 23, 1819, Nos. I, 2, Public.

■' It is supposed to represent the temper of the British lion when hia Church
on the Choultry Plain was eclipsed by the new design.
^ Con.ndtntions. .Inly 26, 1822, Nos. 11, 12, Eccl.
» Despatch, July 28, 1824, Eccl.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1815 AND 1825 255

that the cost of the Kirk at Bombay was Es.45,354 ; they said
that this sum had ' been expended in the construction of a
building to hold 440 persons, and frequented on an average by
not more than 40 or 50.' Included in the cost of building was a
charge of Rs.6650 for bells and gateways.^ The Directors were
not told of this ; if they had been told they might have said
more ; for it was against their principles to provide bells, which
they looked upon as a luxury which a congregation could supply
without their assistance. The original estimate was exceeded ^
by Rs.21,990. However, the money was spent, and the
local Government showed no sign of contrition. They had
provided the gallant Scotchmen of the Presidency, who had in
many ways helped to build up the British power in the south,
with a Church they could be proud of ; one that cost as much
as the seven new military churches at Trichinopoly, Secundera-
bad, Cannanore, Arcot, Bangalore, Poonamallee, and Bellary
cost altogether. After this they could not complain of neglect.
The same desire to please them was exhibited in later times.
In 1834 a handsome ceiling was provided at a cost of Rs.1117,
and a pulpit was put in which cost Es.1714.3

The cost of the new buildings that were necessary for civil,
military and ecclesiastical purposes was very great. A com-
mission was appointed in 1829 to consider what could be done
to reduce expenditure. They proposed among other things
to abolish four English and two Scotch Chaplains. The Govern-
ment of Madras deprecated any reduction of the English
establishment. They said : ■^

' In the ecclesiastical estabhshment a reduction is proposed
by the abohtion of four Enghsh and two Scotch Chaplains.
Not being acquainted with the gromids of this recommendation
we can offer upon it no detailed opinion ; but we think the
honour and welfare of the Company's Service and Government
deeply concerned in providing reasonable means of religious

1 Consultations, Jan. 24, 1820, Nos. 9, 10, Eccl.

2 Consultations, Nov. 30, 1821, Nos. 15, 16, Eccl.

^ Letter, May 6, 1834 ; Despatch, March 18, 1835, 9. The Directors were
again angry ; they said that the charge for the pulpit ^\'as extravagant and
unjustifiable.

^ Letter, Sept. 24, 1830, 65, 66, 67, Financial.

256 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

worship and communion for the several officers and servants
at the principal stations of their residence ; and with this
feeling we are more inclined to recommend an increase than a
diminution of the English Chaplains.'

In the followmg paragraphs they regretted ' the late violent
contentions ' of the two Scotch ministers, and praised ' the
reverend gentlemen who now administer the rites of the English
Church at the Presidency.'

The appointment of two Scotch Chaplains at Madras made it
possible for one or the other to minister to any Scotch regiment
which happened to be in the Madras Presidency. Since that
time two others have been appointed, and two Churches built,
one at Bangalore and one at Secunderabad. This has made it
possible for Scotch regiments to be stationed in the Presidency
without being deprived of the ministrations most of them prefer
in buildings of their own.

The C.M.S. Chayel, Black Toi07i.-In the year 1818 the
Government of Fort St. George commenced the building of this
chapel at the public expense, and it was opened for use on
October 11, 1820. In giving assistance of this kind to a mission-
ary society of the Chmxh they were pursuing an old policy
which has already been traced from their first co-operation with
the S.P.C.K. to the year 1805.1 rpi^e Churches at Vepery and
Cuddalore were their gifts to the missionaries of that Society,
and the building of the Churches at Tanjore and Trichinopoly
was largely assisted by them. This policy was not the ruling
motive in the case of the Black Town mission chapel. The
ancient goodwill remained, or the expense would not have been
incurred ; but there were also other causes at work which con-
tributed to the formation of their determination in 1818.

Between the years 1813 and 1818 there was an increase of
missionaries in Madras carrying on their work in the name of the
Church. The S.P.C.K. had two men at Vepery, Paezold and
Eottler, and the work was assisted by the formation of a local
committee in 1815. The C.M.S. sent out their first men in
1814,- and a corresponding committee was formed in Madras

^ See The Church in Madras, vol. i.

- The first arrivals were Rhcnius and Schnarre, who went to Tranquebar in
July 1814. In July 1815 they returned to Madras.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1815 AND 1825 257

soon after their arrival. In January 1817 the secretary of this
committee i wrote to the Eev. J, Pratt, secretary of the
Society in London, and informed him that the committee had
purchased a plot of land in the centre of Black Town, on which
they intended to build a mission chapel. In the following
May he wrote again, reporting the progress of the building.
When he wrote in October of that same year he had to report
the existence of a strong opposition to the project on the part
of the Hindus in the neighbourhood, and that they had
petitioned the Governor in Council to prevent the completion
of the scheme. The Superintendent of Police was deputed to
make inquiry, and in December 1817 all work on the building
was stopped.

The Government did not require a reminder that they
had allowed Mr. Loveless of the L.M.S. to reside in Madras
in 1806, and to build a chapel in Davidson Street, Black
Town, in 1810.^ Nor did they forget that another agent of
the same Society was receiving from them encouragement and
a fixed allowance for conducting services in English at Vizaga-
patam. The recollection of these things made it impossible
for them to treat the missionaries of the C.M.S. with less
liberality than they had shown to others not connected with
Church societies. After consultation the Government wrote
on April 19, 1818, as follows to the Secretary of the C.M.S.
Madras Committee : '■''

' The Et. Hon. the Governor in Council, as expressed in
the letter of December 23, 1817, considered it equitable that
the Society should be indemnified for the expense incurred by
them on account of the Church the building of which was
stopped by the Government ; and is also of opinion that in
every point of view it will be preferable that the Government
should undertake the care and expense of building a Church
for the Native Protestants of Madras, either on the new site
or on some other well adapted for the purpose. With these
intentions a reference will be made to the Military Board to
ascertain the value of the ground first chosen as a site with the

^ Mr. G. J. Casamajor of the Company's Civil Service.
- Despatch, April 2, 1813, 109, Public.
■* C.M.S, Records at Salisbury Square.
VOL. u. S

258 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

materials upon it, and the uses to which they may be apphcable,
and to obtain a plan and estimate of a Church on the new site,'
&c.

The offer of compensation, together with an offer to build a
Church, would seem to ordinary people a most kind and
considerate action. But the Madras Secretarj'^ of the C.M.S.
suspected the Government and their offer of gifts. He wrote
to the C.M.S. Secretary in London : i

' You will instantly feel how unsatisfactory this is. . . .
We must request a distinct explanation whether the Church to
be built at the expense of Government is to be annexed to our
Mission, as the one in building was intended, under the patron-
age of the C.M.S. My doubts as to the purposes of Government
I must acknowledge are considerable.'

His doubts were soon set at rest ; and probably his sense of
gratitude increased when he understood that the Church was a
gift to the Society in addition to full compensation for all that
had been expended at the forbidden site.

A year later - he wrote again to the Secretary of the C.M.S.
in London and said :

' Our Mission Church is now likely to go on without delay.
On digging for the foundation the Engineer ^ discovered that
the soil was loose, &c. He was obliged to get the sanction of
Government to build at additional expense on wells.'

The political and religious difficulty brought to the notice
of the Government by the action of the C.M.S. Committee
in Madras, in attempting to erect a chapel in a neighbourhood
against the wish of people of other religions residing in it, was
met by a proclamation * of the Government in 1818 forbidding
the erection of places of Christian worship anywhere without
their permission.

When the mission Church was finished the Government sent
to the Directors a full account of what had taken place. They

> Letter, dated AprU 22, 1818, to Home Secretary, C.M.S.

- Letter, dated April 16, 1819, to Home Secretary, C.M.S.

^ Major de Havilland.

" Approved by the Directors, Despatch, July 28, 1824, 33, Eccl.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1815 AND 1825 259

mentioned that ' in order to evince their favourable disposition
towards the Missionary Society and the Native Protestants
Hving under the Company's protection ' they had defrayed the
building expenses already incurred by the C.M.S., and built a
chapel on an unobjectionable site, and that the cost had
been :

Compensation for amount expended . Es.7,934
Cost of new Church .... 21,2G2

Alterations 1,437

Rs.30,633

The Directors replied : i

' We entirely approve of your proceedings, which clearly
show our Native subjects your desire to respect their religious
observances, and to leave them in the uninterrupted exercise
of them ; and at the same time to countenance and support
the dissemination of the Christian religion.'

Some doubts have arisen in recent years as to the class of
persons for whom the Church was intended. All the contem-
porary documents mention the native Protestants of the neigh-
bourhood. Most likely the C.M.S. intended to build for all
their different purposes, that is for the benefit of European and
Eurasian natives of India as well as for Christian native Indians.
In 1827 the Madras secretary wrote to the C.M.S. secretary in
London :^

' It will be gratifying to you to learn that the Mission
Church in Black Town is well attended by the European and
half-caste inhabitants of this place, particularly in the evening
when the Eev. J. Ridsdale officiates.'

Mr. Ridsdale had a difficulty in acquiring a practical knowledge
of foreign languages. He was therefore left in charge of the
European and Eurasian work, and this work of his was much
appreciated at the mission chapel.^ Ten years later the

1 Despatch, July 2S, 1824, 20, Ecol.

- Letter from the Rev. John Hallewell, Chaplain, datotl Maj^ 15, 1827, to
Home Secretary, C.M.S.

^ Letters to Home Secretary, C.M.S., March 12, 1828 ; and from the Home
Secretary, C.M.S., May 13, 1828 ; October 31, 1829 ; June 14, 1830.

S 2

260 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

incumbent of the chapel was the Rev. John Tucker, a clergy-
man of more than usual ability and preaching power. A lady
published this record of the state of affairs in 1838 : i

' In the evening we went to a chapel in Black Town, some
miles from the place where we live, and so crowded that we
were obliged to be there three quarters of an hour before the
time in order to secure seats ; but we were well repaid for our
labour and trouble ; we heard a most delightful preacher ; his
sermon was clear, true and striking. . . . His chapel was
originally intended for half-castes, but he is so popular that
the Europeans will go there too. People complain that those
for whom the chapel was built - are kept out in consequence,' &c.

Mr. Tucker was incumbent for fifteen years ; so great was his
influence that the chapel became known as his, and has retained
the name of Tucker's chapel down to the present day.^

There is a trust fund connected with it for the benefit of
Em'asians. All this seems to show that the recent contention
that the chapel was intended for native Indians only cannot be
maintained.

In the year 1826-27 the Church was enlarged, the ventilation
improved, and an organ gallery erected for the school children.
This was done at the expense of the Government. The Directors
were not pleased. They said : i' ' These expenses (for ventilation)
argue great unskilfulness in those who planned and constructed
the building.'

The chapel was licensed for all ecclesiastical purposes in
1828 by Bishop James of Calcutta.

After the retirement of Mr. Tucker the incumbency was
held by successive headmasters of the Bishop Corrie Grammar
School until the end of the century, when a native clergyman
was appointed, and the old congregation was dispersed. This
did not matter much, as the Holy Emmanuel Church is close

' Letters jrom Mndras (John Murray, 1843), p. 44.

- The use of the word half-caste by the authoress was the use of the period.
Nothing offensive was intended. Some years afterwards it was understood
to be offensive, and it dropped out of use.

^ Before Tucker's arrival it was known as Ridsdale's Chapel. Madrasiana,
p. 35.

* Despatch, July 23, 1828, 5, Eccl.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1815 AND 1825 261

by ; and if there were any funds connected with work among
Eurasians or domiciled Em'opeans attached to the chapel, they
have doubtless been transferred, so as to be used still for their
benefit.

The chapel underwent extensive repairs and improvements
in 1872 at a cost of about Ks.2700. In consideration of its
having been so much used by Europeans the Government
made a grant of Es.450 towards the expense.^

The chapel measures 100 x 50 feet, and there is sitting
accommodation for about 350 persons.

St. John's, Tellicherry. — Tellicherry is on the west coast
of India in the Malabar District. The East India Company
established a factory there in 1683 for the purpose of carrying
on the pepper trade. The site was given by the local Eajah, who
profited from the trade carried on. His own profit was so
great that in 1708 he built a fort for the protection of the
factory. Small grants of land were made to the Company
subsequently, so that they owned not only the fort but also the
land immediately round it.

The place was more easily reached by sea from Bombay
than from Madras. It was therefore governed from Bombay
in the eighteenth century, and the merchants employed were
on the Bombay establishment.

Existence at Tellicherry was comparatively peaceful until
the Mj^sore wars began. Hyder Ali sent an army to overrun the
district. This paralysed trade, so that in 1766 the establish-
ment of the factory was greatly reduced. In 1780 the fort was
besieged by the Mysore troops. It held out for two years and
was then relieved by the arrival of troops from Bombay. It
then became a military station of importance, as it was the
western base of military operations till the fall of the Mysore
power, and it retained its military importance till it was super-
seded by Cannanore, where a large cantonment was laid out
between 1805 and 1810. Its proximity to the French station
of Mahe prevented it from being denuded of troops altogether
until some time after the Peace of Paris in 1815. The troops
on the west coast after the conquest of Mysore belonged to the
Madras establishment. Consequently, when it was decided

1 G.O., Nov. 21, 1872, No. 220, Eccl.

262 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

to send Chaplains to Tellicherry and Cannanore, they also were
of the same establishment.

The first and only Chaplain sent to Tellicherry was the Eev.
Frederick Spring, who was posted to the station in 1816 and
remamcd in it till 1823. Wlien he arrived there was a small
garrison of Em'opeans and a number of civil administrators.
There was no Church. The IMilitary Board had not recom-
mended the building of one at Tellicherry, because they knew
the intention of the Government to transfer the European
troops to Cannanore. Mr. Spring does not appear to have
made any inquiry, but ho raised a little over Rs.lOOO among
the civil and military officers, advanced Rs.4000 himself, and
erected a building which measured 90 X 60 feet capable of
seating about 250 persons. When the building was finished
the Em'opcan troops were withdrawn, and he was left with a
congregation averaging 35 persons.

In 1820 he appealed to the Government of Fort St. George
to repay him the Es.4000 he had expended, and to build a wall
round the cemetery. The Government drew his attention to
the rule of 1818 forbidding the building of Churches without
previous permission, but they gave him credit for his good
intentions, paid him the Es.4000, and ordered a wall to be built
round the adjoining cemetery at a cost of Es.4771.i They then
wrote a full accomit of what had happened to the Directors.^

In their reply the Directors ^ acknowledged Mr. Spring's
purity of motive, but regarded his action as irregular and a
violation of their rules about the erection of Churches.*^' They
noticed the report of the Superintending Engineer that the
Chm'ch was built in an unsatisfactory way and ' would at no
distant date require material repair.' And they added : ' We
reluctantly accede to your having granted Mr. Spring Es.4000
on account of the expense ho incurred, and shall be displeased
if your orders are disregarded again.'

When Mr. Spring appealed to the Government in 1820

1 Consultations, July 25, 1820 ; Aug. IS, 1820 ; Aug. 2G, 1823, Eccl.

2 Letter, March 23, 1824, Eccl.

=' Despatch, Feb. 23, 1825, 8-11, Eccl.

^ There is no evidence as to when the Church was erected ; it may have
been built before the 1818 rule reached Tellicherry.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1815 AND 1825 263

he mentioned that he had hoped to construct the Church
without the assistance of the Company's funds. If the station
had not been reduced, probably he would have been able to do
this. As it was the Church became the property of the Govern-
ment for four-fifths of its cost, the remaining fifth having been
raised locally.

When the Kev, James Hough was giving evidence before
the Select Committee of the House of Commons in 1832 on the
affairs of the East India Company, he said : i ' At Tellicherry
there was a spacious Church, formerly a Chaplain, now none.
I was there in 1826. Europeans and Natives used to assemble
for worship. When it needed repair they appealed to Govern-
ment, and the Government ordered it to be pulled down.
Being on the spot I interposed and appealed to Government.
The request for repairs was acceded to.' This answer must be
assumed to be correct, even though some of his answers were
not.2

When the repairs were completed the Government trans-
ferred the building to the C.M.S., on condition that they sent
an English clergyman to minister to the Europeans at the
station.^ There is no evidence that the C.M.S. accepted the
offer. They had missionaries working among the English
and Eurasians at Cochin and at Madras, but they deprecated
their agents doing this kind of work. James Eidsdale of Madras
did it because he fomid a difficulty in acquiring the necessary
knowledge of Tamil to work among the native Indians.^' Prob-
ably Samuel Eidsdale of Cochin had a similar difficulty. The
Home Committee of the Society looked upon it as an inferior
undertaking for a missionary, and had high authority for
adopting that point of view. They wrote ■' to James Eidsdale :

' We rejoice that it pleases God to use you as an instrument
of good to any ; but never forget what the Apostle esteemed

' Question 1876.

' E.g. Questions 1880-81, relating to Cochin, and Question 1890, relating to
Cannanore.

^ This was in May or June 1827. Letter from the Rev. J. Hallewell,
Secretary C.M.S. Committee, Madras, to the Rev. E. Bickersteth, Secretary
Home Committee, dated June 15, 1827.

^ C.M.S. Secretary's Letter to Madras, May 13, 1828.

' C.M.S. Secretary's Letter to Ridsdale, Oct. 31, 1829.

264 THE CHUROH m MADRAS

the highest office (Eom. xv. 20), nor the blessed and specia\
office to which you have been solemnly designated to minister
to the Gentiles that have not yet heard of Christ.'

Havmg these views it is hardly likely that they accepted the
offer of the Government. The Church gradually fell into
disrepair, and before the middle of the centmy it had become
a rmn.

From the year 1830 onward the station was visited i
regularly by the Chaplain of Cannanore ; but there was no one
living in the place of sufficient public spirit or religious inclina-
tion to save the building from ruin and decay.

In the year 1859 there died at Tellicherry an old resident
named Edward Brennen. He had been Master Attendant
or Port Officer. Perhaps he had qualms of conscience that he
had not tried to save the Church when it might have been
saved. By his will he left Es.4000 to the Governor m Council
for the building of a chapel on a site to be given by them, and
another Es.4000 as an endowment fund to provide for its up-
keep. He also left the Governor in Comicil Es.4000 to build
a school, and Es.8000 as its permanent endowment. He
nominated as trustees of the school and chapel the Chaplain of
Cannanore, the Judge of Tellicherry, the Collector of Malabar,
and the Superintendmg Surgeon of the District. These were
to be subject to the control of the Governor in Comicil, who were
to appoint future trustees, make necessary rules, and to use
the funds in pursuance of the true meaning and intent of the
will.2

There had been former experiences of the futility of erecting
cheap buildings. Prudence suggested that the amomit avail-
able was insufficient for the purpose, and it was agreed to let
the fund accumulate at compound interest and to add to it by
private subscriptions and donations. By the year 1867 the
trustees had to their credit for the Chmch :

Brennen's Fund Es.4000

Accrued interest on it . . . . 1200

Private subscriptions .... 900

Diocesan Church Building Society . . 300

> Despatch, March 14, 1832, Eccl.

2 There is a copy of the will at the India Office.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1815 AND 1825 265

and they judged that the time had arrived for the plans and
estimates to be prepared. The Executive Engineer estimated
the cost of building at Es.7280. The Government was then
approached regarding the site, permission to build, and the
possibility of financial help. All that was asked for was
willingly given. The site is that of the old Church : no spot
could have been more appropriate ; it is on a cliff which was
originally part of the old fort, adjoining the ancient garrison
burial-ground where the remains of so many British soldiers
and civilians rest.

The Government midertook to provide the Es.780 which
was required to complete the building,! and further subscrip-
tions were at once sought to fui'nish it for its sacred purpose.
His Excellency the Governor, the Eight Hon. Lord Napier, gave
Es.lOO to the fund to show his personal interest in the matter.
The list of subscribers recalls the names of some well-known
Churchmen who helped locally to bring the project to a
successful conclusion :

G. A. Ballard, Esq. .Es.200 Mr. Pereira

A. W. Sullivan, Esq. . 150

J. H. Garstin, Esq. . 100

F. C. Brown, Esq. . 100

The Eev. C. H. Deane 50
The Lord Bishop of

Madras . . 150

T. B. Bassano, Esq. . 80

Mr. Thompson .
Captain Baudry
C. Hanyngton, Esq.
F. Lewell, Esq.
Lieut. F. Hole .
W. Logan, Esq.

Es.50

100

On November 16, 1866, the foundation-stone was laid by
Lord Napier himself with a silver trowel presented to him on
the occasion. There were present three of the official trustees
nominated by the fomider, namely the Judge (A. W. Sullivan),
the Collector (G. A. Ballard), and the Chaplain of Cannanore
(C. H. Deane), and of course the whole European population
of the station; including the architect, Captain Bailey. The
building was used for the first time on January 28, 1868, when
the Eev. C. H. Deane officiated and the German missionary
read the lessons ; and it was duly consecrated by the Bishop of

1 G.O., Sept. 16, 1867, No. 2862, Works ; G.O., Sept. 23, 1867, No. 227, Eccl.

266 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Madras on October 22, 1868, and named in honour of St. John
the EvangeHst.

The east window is of stained glass with a geometrical
pattern, and is a memorial of the fomider, who is described on
it as a native of London, aged 75 at the time of his death.
There is also a tablet to his memory on which he is described as
' the fomider of this Church and of Brennen's Free School ;
a generous true-heartod Englishman.' He was bmied in the
adjoinmg cemetery ; on his tombstone it is recorded that
* he was one of God's noblest works in India, a sterling upright
Englishman.' The cemetery contains the remains of some
well-known persons connected with the history of the south of
India, such as Disney, Clephane, Cheape, Baber, Warden, and
Mm'doch Brown ; and the Judge who was present at the laying
of the foundation-stone of the Church in 1867, Mr. A. W.
Sullivan, was himself laid to rest in it hi August 1868.

CHAPTEE XIV

DISCIPLINE AND THE CONSISTORIAL COURT

Bishop Middleton and discipline. His inquiry about the Consistorial Court.
Talk in Madras. Claim of the judges. Upheld by Directors. Bishop
Heber and Archdeacon Robinson and discipline. The Court set up. Chap-
lains and Commanding Officers. The ruHng of the Directors. Probable
intention of Heber and Robinson. The Wissing case. The Rosen case.
The Chaplains and the head of the ecclesiastical department. The Arch-
deacon's friendly relations with the clergy. The baptism case at St. George's.
Archdeacon protects S. Ridsdale. Rebukes H. Baker. His tact. The
C.M.S. and the episcopal licence. No need of a Court. The first ritual case.

DuEiNG the first years of his episcopate Bishop Middleton
travelled to the principal stations in his vast Indian diocese
and made notes as to the requirements of the times. After
his second visitation of the Madras Archdeaconry in 1819 he
wrote a letter, which is quoted in his ' Life,' commenting upon
the relationship of the Chaplains to the military officers of the
Company, and deprecating the attitude of the latter towards
the former. The Archdeacon's records show that on several
occasions at different stations there was unpleasantness, brought
about by the assumption that the Chaplains in their ministra-
tions, methods, and ecclesiastical arrangements were under the
orders of the commanding officers.

It is not known what was in the Bishop's mind. In 1821
inquiries were made of the Government of Madras as to the
estabhshment of the Consistorial Court contemplated in the
Letters Patent. It is possible that the Bishop had some
intention of bringmg its powers to bear upon the military
officers of whom he complained.

The Government informed the Directors of the inquiries,!

1 Letter, July 6, 1821, Eccl.

268 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

who replied that the necessary assistance should be given to his
lordship of Calcutta in the formation of the Court. ^

Meanwhile, it must be presumed, the matter was talked
about in Madras, and reached the ears of the Judges of the
Supreme Court of Judicature ; for early in 1824 they declared
their intention of appohiting Proctors to practise in the proposed
Court. This intervention seemed to be judicially necessary.
If the ecclesiastical Court was merely for the purpose of
correcting the doctrine, ritual, and morals of ecclesiastics,
it would not matter to anyone but ecclesiastics how it was
constituted or who practised in it. But if it was to be used
for the purpose of correcting the conduct of the Christian
laity, it was necessary, in the interest of the liberty of the
subject, that it should be under the control of the Supreme
Court. The Government thought that it would suffice if the
new Court were mider their own control, and referred the
question home.^ The Directors referred it to their standing
counsel, and the reply was that the Judges might appoint
Proctors to practise on the ecclesiastical side of the Court
without licence or leave from the East India Company or
the local Government.^

This reply was not only an answer to the question put, but
was also an authoritative declaration that the proposed Con-
sistorial Court would be under the authority of the Supreme
Court, and could only be regarded as its ecclesiastical side. Li
consequence of the contention, the formation of the new Court
was postponed till the expected arrival of Bishop Heber in
Madras.^

Archdeacon Mousley had no use for such a Court and made
no effort to obtain it. Archdeacon Vaughan followed in his
footsteps, and would have been contented to do without it.
But Bishop Middleton was convinced of its necessity in 1819 ;
and it must have been at his lordship's suggestion that
the Archdeacon made his inquiries about it in 1821. The
further references to it between that date and 1826 were

• Despatch, July 28, 1824, 54, Eccl.

- Letters, Jan: 14, July 4 and 11, 1824, Eccl,

3 Despatch, July 13, 1825, Eccl.

^ Letter, Sept. 9, 1826, 23, 24, Eccl.

DISCIPLINE AND THE CONSISTORIAL COURT 269

not promoted by Archdeacon Vaughan. They were due to a
fear among the laity in Madras that an Inquisitorial Court
was contemplated, and that it might prove to be an engine
of oppression.

It seems likely that the question would have been allowed to
rest if Bishop Heber had not been appointed to Calcutta in
1823, and if Archdeacon Robinson had not been appointed
his private Chaplain first, and Archdeacon of Madras afterwards.
Both were disciplinarians. Robinson's sense of discipline was
nourished and enhanced by his official connection with Bishop
Heber. In the Archdeacon's Act Book there is a copy of a
letter, dated March 8, 1824, written by the Bishop to the Bombay
Junior Presidency Chaplain, reprimanding him for acting in a
certain matter without first consulting the Bishop or in his
absence the Archdeacon. It appears that the Chaplain applied
to the Governor in Council for permission to make use of the
Hon. Company's frigate Hastings for the purpose of holding
divine service on Sunday afternoons for the European seamen
in the port of Bombay. Permission was granted, and the
circumstance came to the knowledge of the Bishop through
a paragraph in one of the Calcutta newspapers. If the
proceeding was a little irregular, the intention was so good
that it hardly deserved the severe expression of opinion
which the Bishop felt himself called upon to give. This
letter was communicated for information to the Archdeacons
of Calcutta, Madras, and Bombay, and was the foundation
of a stricter departmental discipline than had hitherto
existed.

Soon after his appointment as Archdeacon of Madras, Dr.
Robinson inquii-ed of the Government of Madras if the Directors
had authorised the establishment of such a Court. The reply
was in the affirmative, and the reference given was to the
Directors' Ecclesiastical Despatch of July 28, 1824, para. 54.
Then the Archdeacon asked the Government to sanction the
payment of rent for a house at the rate of Rs.227 a month,
the wages of a clerk, two writers, and four peons ; clothing for
the peons, including belts and brass plates engraved with the
name Archdeacon ; and a supply of furniture for the Court
House, consisting of :

270 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

1 long table with green cloth.
12 chairs.

1 small platform ^

2 larger chairs > for the Judge and Assessor.

1 small table )

2 large inkstands.

1 desk for the Apparitor.

2 Almirahs for the records.

The Government acquiesced and reported what they had
done, and the Directors approved ; i but they added that the
house must not be used as an official residence by the Archdeacon,
nor for any other pm-pose than that of a Court, and that the
establishment must not be put to any other duty.

The natural inference is that the Archdeacon had some
intention with regard to discipline when he made all this
preparation. Tliere is no record that any use was ever made of
the Court and its machinery for the purpose. The arrival of a
despatch from the Directors in January 1829 defining the
relationship of the Chaplains to the military authorities had
probably some effect in altermg the Archdeacon's intentions.

For some time before that date there had been occasional
differences of opinion between some of the Chaplains and the
military officers conmianding stations. The former denied that
they were military Chaplains, alleging that they were appointed
to minister to all the Company's servants, military and civil.
The latter contended that Chaplains serving with troops were
responsible to the military authorities and subject to Courts
]\[artial. The first reference home on this question was made
by the Bengal Government in 1824 ^ on a case submitted to
them by the Government of Bombay. The Court of Directors
did not reply until 1827/^ when they said :

' 2. From the best consideration we have been able to apply
to the several documents to which we have been referred in this
para., we are induced to think that considerable misapprehen-
sion has existed on the subject to which they relate.

' 3. When our Ecclesiastical EstabHshment was placed on

' Despatch, April G. 1830, 5, Eccl.
-■ Letter, Dec. 31, 1824, 22, Eccl.
3 Despatch, May 23, 1827, 2-5, Mil.

DISCIPLINE AND THE CONSISTORIAL COURT 271

the footing on which it now stands it became a necessary part
of the arrangement that the Indian ^ Clergy should be submitted
to the general superintendence of the Bishop, and rendered
subject to his ecclesiastical jurisdiction for all offences of
ecclesiastical cognizance ; but it was never intended to except
this portion of our servants from the jurisdiction of the tem-
poral courts in the event of their being charged with any offences
of a civil nature or any crimes against the peace and well-being
of society.

' 4. We wish it therefore to be distinctly understood that
all the Chaplains on our Establishment are amenable to the
Ecclesiastical tribunals in England, and for all other offences
they are hable to be tried, as all other Europeans in India are,
by the ordinary tribunals of the country.

' 5. If, however, the offence should be committed out of the
jurisdiction of the ordinary court, and in places where the rest
of the community are subject to military law, in such a case and
in such a case alone, we deem it right that our Chaplains should
be subject also to military law for all offences of temporal
cognizance.'

This extract from the Court's despatch was comm.unicated
to the Archdeacon of Madras on January 9, 1829, and ordered
to be registered in the Act Book. It must have had an im-
portant influence in shaping the Archdeacon's future policy.

It may be said at once that no question of morals was
involved in the reference home ; it was the question of subordina-
tion of the Chaplain to the mihtary authorities. The matters
in dispute sometimes referred to the time of divine service,
sometimes to the length of the sermon, sometimes to the matter
of it, and in one case in later years to the length of the Chaplain's
surplice.

On the other hand the intention of Bishop Heber and
Archdeacon Robinson may not have had reference to the
laity at all. It may have referred to the missionary clergy
only, and to the irresponsible position they held with respect
to the Bishop. The C.M.S. clergy were not episcopally licensed
before 1824 ; some received no licence till 1830. The missionaries
of the S.P.C.K., even those ordamed by the Bishops of Zealand,
held no licence before the days of Heber and Robinson. It

^ The European clergy in India.

272 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

may have been their intention to bring all these missionaries
mider episcopal authority.

A case occiu'red in 1828. One of the S.P.G. missionaries,
Peter Wissing, refused to receive the Bishop's licence. He was
invited to attend upon the Archdeacon in order to take the
necessary oaths and make the necessary subscriptions. He
pleaded that no missionary belonging to his Society had
hitherto been licensed by the Bishop in India. The Arch-
deacon gave him time to communicate with his brother mission-
aries ; told him that he could not be allowed to officiate in any
Chm-ch or chapel of the diocese miless he were licensed ; and
added that every episcopal clergyman had to be licensed before
taking a cm-e in an English diocese. Wissing refused to take
the oaths of allegiance and canonical obedience, though ac-
knowledging and submitting to episcopal authority ' according
to the nature of the Danish Church.' The Archdeacon there-
upon inhibited him from performing any clerical duty in any
Church or chapel in the Archdeaconry ' in conformity with
the Bishop's instructions.' i

The Archdeacon then sent copies of all the letters to the
Bishop and reported what he had done, though this had
apparently been previously authorised by the Bishop. He had
some reason to complain of the tone of Wissing's letters and
did so. He also mformed the Madras District Committee of
the S.P.G., and sent copies of the letters to them also.

Wissing defended his action in writing to the Bishop, by
urging that when he was entertained by the S.P.G. he was not
told of the necessity of subscribing the Thirty-nine Articles.
He pleaded that though he objected to nothing in them, he
could not heartily and willmgly subscribe them, because the
doing so might be misunderstood by his brethren of the Danish
Episcopal Church, and that it behoved him to look after his
own interests.

Bishop James of Calcutta died before this letter reached
him. It was, however, answered by the Commissary of the
Diocese, Archdeacon Corrie, who said : ' I understand from
other sources that yom' mam objection is to acting in connection
with the District Committee ' ; and he entreated him to

' Bishop James of Calcutta.

DISCIPLINE AND THE CONSISTORIAL COURT 273

reconsider this point, showing the importance of working tvith
the Committee, ' who are men of piety and influence who will
encourage your labours by participating in them and obtaining
means to extend them.'

Archdeacon Eobinson sent a copy of the correspondence to
Kohlhoff of Tanjore. In his letter to Kohlhoff he expressed
a regret that he had joined with Wissing in an appeal to the
late Bishop, more especially ' from the circumstance that you
are not in episcopal orders, and it is "therefore impossible for
you to receive the Bishop's licence or take the necessary oaths.'
He mentioned Wissing's declared difficulty, which was not one
of conscience, but as to whether he could swear allegiance to a
Bishop in Lidia, and subscribe his confession of faith, when he
intended hereafter to live under a Bishop of Denmark. After
mentioning that Dr. Eottler had received the licence without
hesitation, he proceeded :

' There was nothing therefore to lead me to imagine that
there was any reason of distinction between the episcopal
clergymen from Denmark and ourselves, while serving under
the same Bishop ; for while talking on the subject Dr. Eottler
agreed with me that if the case were reversed, and I were to go
into the Diocese of Copenhagen, I could not take any cure of
souls there without taking the oaths and subscribing to a
confession.'

In his reply Kohlhoff said that he had had no correspondence
with Mr. Wissing, and that he had signed the appeal to the
Bishop on the solicitation of his colleague Mr. Haubroe, by
whom it was drawn up : ' I had every reason to fear that my
refusal would lead him to withdraw every assistance required
to direct the concerns of this extensive mission, and leave the
burthen upon me.'

Wissing was inhibited on August 6, 1828. On November 24
he wrote to the Archdeacon requesting that what had passed
of an uncomfortable nature might be remembered no more.
With regard to his relationship with the Madras District
Committee he said :

' I have always insisted upon a strict conformity to the rules
of the Society ; consequently if I entertain any doubt about

274 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

the full and implicit power of the Committee, such doubts
could only exist till the Society's sanction had been given to
it. . . . In the Society's last resolutions of June 1827 the
relation in which the missionaries stand to the respective
Committees has been pointed out, and from those resolutions
I should be the last man to deviate.'^

The Archdeacon in reply was obliged to point out that no
regret had been expressed for the unpleasant tone of the earlier
letters. ' The point at issue was wdiether clergymen of the
Lutheran Chm'ch who are in episcopal orders shall serve in an
Enghsh diocese without the licence of the Bishop.' With
regard to Wissing's sentiments towards the Madras District
Committee the Archdeacon was glad to see that they had
changed.

' You are in error if j-ou imagine that a resolution of the
Parent Society dated June 18, 1827 is the only source of the
Committee's authority. ... I deeply deplore the unfortunate
position you have assumed towards that body ; the tone of
your letters at one time, no less than your silence to letters
addressed to you at another, being so utterly at variance with
any hope of cordial and effective co-operation. . . . They
felt strongly your rejection of the Bishop's authority as well as
your resistance to theirs ; so that they asked me to take steps
to relieve the Society of the burden of your salary. I declined ;
taking into consideration your youth and inexperience, and the
evil counsels by which you were guided. . . . You are at
liberty to minister to the English residents at Vellore if
requested. There is no licensed building at Vellore to which
the Bishop's inhibition can extend. ... I will write to the
authorities at Vellore regarding your appointment there.'^

From beginning to end it was a case of discipline, but it
was one of those many cases which can be dealt with without the
aid of a Consistory Court. The only feature of the case worthy
of remark is the difference made by Archdeacon Robinson

1 See p. 241.

" The Rev. Peter M. D. Wissing arrived at Madras in 1828, and went to
Vellore at the beginning of 1829 ; he remained there till Sept. 1830, when
he returned to Europe. He resigned the Society's service in 1833. In his
letters to the Archdeacon he signed his name P. M. D. Wissing.

DISCIPLINE AND THE CONSISTORIAL COURT 275

between Lutheran ministers ordained in the Lutheran way by
their fellow ministers, and those ordained by the Danish
Bishops. He assumed that the Bishop of Copenhagen was in
the apostolic succession, and therefore was as capable of a
valid ordination as an Anglican Bishop ; and he regarded
Wissing's objection to being licensed as frivolous and un-
reasonable.i

Another case of discipline occurred in the same year. The
Eev. D. Rosen had been from the time of his arrival in 1819
somewhat of a thorn in the side of the senior S.P.C.K. mission-
aries Bottler, Schreyvogel, and Kohlhoff. He appears to have
imbibed rationalistic doctrines before his arrival, and with
these the older and not less learned missionaries had no sym-
pathy. It had been the custom of the German missionaries
from the commencement of their work in the Company's
territories to meet together occasionally for mutual encourage-
ment. At these meetings they submitted their daily journals
for remark. In 1830 Rosen inserted in his journal some remarks
animadverting on the conduct of one of the missionaries at
Tanjore. Dr. Bottler and others who were present reproved
him, and desired him to expunge the paragraphs. They
thought so seriously of the matter that on his refusal they
referred it to the Archdeacon. There were also in the journal
some speculations on the source of evil which were not in
accordance with the teaching of the Catholic creeds.

Archdeacon Bobinson therefore wrote a severe letter of
expostulation, reminding him of the impropriety of sitting in
judgment on his seniors, exhorting him to submit respectfully
to those under whom he was called to work, and reminding him
of the danger of his speculations.

This might have been a case for a Consistory Court if Bosen
had been an English clergyman. The letter of reproof sufficed,
for Bosen shortly afterwards resigned the Society's service and
retired to Tranquebar.'^

^ On the invalidity of Danish episcopal orders see Schafi's History of the
Christian Church, ii. 516 ; Mosheim, ii. 412 ; Colonial Church Chronicle, vol.
xvi. (1861) ; and the Report of the Lambeth Conference, 1897.

- He was re-employed by the S.P.G. in 1834, and was stationed at Mudulur,
remaining there till 1838.

T 3

276 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

In the year 1830 the Archdeacon asked the Government to
prohibit the Chaplains from addressing letters direct to the
Government instead of through himself as the official channel of
communication. This seems to be the first recorded attempt
at an internal discipline, by which the Archdeacon became the
recognised head of the Ecclesiastical Department. From the
beginning his position had been peculiar, and to some extent
isolated from the Chaplains and the Churches. Bishop Middle-
ton arranged in 1816 that he should preach at St. George's
Church seven times in each year, namely on the Feast of the
Circumcision, Scptuagesima, Mid Lent, Easter Day, Whit-
smiday, the First Sunday in Advent, and on Christmas Day.
Except for this he had no official connection with any Church
in the diocese. It is to the credit of Archdeacon Robinson
that whilst he was tightening the strings of discipline, his
relations with the Chaplains and missionaries were most
friendly and confidential. A breezy letter is extant i from the
Rev. James Baker Morewood, one of the C.M.S. missionaries
at Alleppee in Travancore. He was on leave at Ootacamund,
and was writing to ask that he might be officially recognised
as Acting Chaplain of the station. He went on to describe
the beautiful country and scenery ; said that whilst staying
with Captain Salmon he had been ' banging away at elk,
woodcock and jungle fowl ' ; and concluded with some excellent
advice to people who visit the Nilgiris.

At the beginning of 1830 there was a dispute between the
Archdeacon and the Chaplains of St. George's Church, which
was sooner or later inevitable. It was a question of authority.
The dispute was about the baptism of a child in St. George's
Church. The Archdeacon being requested by the parents to
baptise the child, did so without taking care that permission
should be obtained from the licensed Chaplains. Dr. Roy
hearing of the intention removed the register book to his
own house, contending that the Chaplains of the Church were
the proper persons to make the entry in the register book.

' If however,' he wrote, ' you particularly wish to register
the baptism in question, I shall readily consent to it so soon as

' Archdeacon's Records.

DISCIPLINE AND THE CONSISTORIAL COURT 277

my permission has been asked by Sir James Home or by your-
self on his part. But I beg respectfully to state to you, as
Archdeacon, my objection to any person making an entry in any
of the register books of my Church without my permission
previously obtained.'

The Archdeacon allowed the justice of Dr. Roy's contention.
On one occasion the Archdeacon protected the Rev. Samuel
Ridsdale, C.M.S. missionary at Cochin, when he was reported
to Government by a local subordinate official for refusing to
baptise his child. The case was sent to the Archdeacon for
investigation and report. It appears that the refusal was to
accept the father as a sponsor, not being qualified in any way
to undertake the Christian education of a child. Mr. Ridsdale
actually gave another reason, one which was vahd enough but
not usually recognised to be valid. The Archdeacon supported
him ; but at the same time he pointed out to Mr. Ridsdale that
he was officiating among Europeans without a licence, and that
he must not expect protection from the ecclesiastical authorities
unless he put himself in the right by obtaining one.

On another occasion he rebuked the Rev. Henry Baker, a
C.M.S. missionary at Cottayam in Travancore, for a breach of
Church order in opening a chapel at Cannanore, intended for
the joint use of ministers of all denominations. He quoted from
Bishop Heber's letter i on the necessity of order and co-operation
among the clergy and due subordination to authority, and
pointed out that there was already a Church in the station that
he could borrow, and a Chaplain whom he had not consulted.

Archdeacon Robinson was so tactful and judicious in his
methods, and such a master of style in his correspondence,
that he won the confidence of all the clergy, both Chaplains and
missionaries. At the beginning of a caste dispute at Trichino-
poly in 1830 the S.P.G. missionary Schreyvogel consulted the
Archdeacon in his difficulty. There were some in the Arch-
deaconry, such as Rottler and Kohlhoff, who had longer ex-
perience and greater knowledge of the matter, but it was
Archdeacon Robinson who was consulted.

The C.M.S. forbade their earliest missionaries to seek
a licence to officiate in the ^Archdeaconry. There is some

> Dated March 8, 1824, referred to above.

278 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

obscmity as to the reason of this. It has been asserted
that the Society wished their missionaries to have no
hcence to preach the gospel except their own. It may have
been due to the high fee which was payable when the licence
was gi*anted. \Vlien the Society removed the prohibition in
1824, several of the C.M.S. missionaries had landed at Madras,
and had gone to their distant stations southward and westward,
without taking the oaths of canonical obedience, &c., and
receiving the formal episcopal licence. Even as late as 1830
the Rev. Henrj^ Baker, who arrived in 1818, wrote from
Cottayam that he had had no opportunity of obtaining a
licence, and that he and his colleague J. B. Morewood hoped
to be able to do so soon.

In a quiet and conciliatory way Archdeacon Robinson was
the originator of officialism in the Ecclesiastical Department and
of Church order among all the clergy of the Archdeaconry.
None of the cases he had to deal with required a Consistorial
Court. They were all capable of solution by means of wise
counsel and good judgment. And these were the means which
the Archdeacon employed.

During his term of office there was only one case of ritual
irregularity. In January 1829 the S.P.G. committee decided
to inquire if the missionaries at Cuddalore, Tanjore, and Trichin-
opoly followed the service book and ritual of the Church of
England. Rosen at Cuddalore replied in the affirmative ;
Kohlhoff and Haubroe at Tanjore made the same reply ; but
Schreyvogel at Trichinopoly was only able to reply in this way
of the morning service. The afternoon service consisted of a
prayer, a hymn, and a sermon. The S.P.G. committee com-
municated these replies to the Archdeacon, who accordingly
wrote to Schreyvogel requesting that the Tamil version of the
Liturgy should be invariably used. It was a small matter, and
it seems now hardly worth while to have corrected it ; but the
period was one of transition from individual missionary inde-
pendence to Church order and subjection to episcopal authority.
What had to be done was done in the kindliest way, and the
excellent German missionaries employed by the S.P.C.K.
understood that they were no longer in ecclesiastical matters a
law unto themselves.

CHAPTEE XV

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1825 AND 1835

St. Thomas', St. Thomas' Mount. — History. Early missionaries and

Chaplains. The building of the Church. The mission chapel. St.

John's Library. Plan and consecration of Church. The altar piece.

The monuments.
Pallaveram Cantonment Chapel.— The building. Plan and cost of adaptation.

The furniture and donors.
Holy Trinity, Aurangabad. — Historj'. The first Church. Sale of the building,

1875. The new Church. Furniture. First resident Chaplain. Transfer

to C.M.S.
Tripassore Cantonment Chapel. — History. Origin of the chapel. Archdeacon

Robinson's visit. The C.M.S. Mission and its chapel given up. Buildings

transferred to the London Missionary Society.
St. Thomas', Quilon. — History. First Chaplain. Church sanctioned, 1809.

Built, 1827. Size and cost. Consecration. Burial-ground. Modern

adornments. Early Chaplains.
John Pereiras Chapel, Madras. — The garden site. The chapel built. Assistance

given by the Government.

St. Thomas', St. Thomas' Mount.— Yrom the ecclesiastical
point of view St. Thomas' Mount is one of the most interesting
places in India. There is a very ancient tradition that St.
Thomas the Apostle landed on the west coast of India, made his
way to the east coast, and suffered martyrdom at the Mount
now known by his name. There is nothing improbable in the
story, though it may refer to a later Thomas who came from
Syria in the eighth century. It is quite certain that there
have been Christians on both coasts from a very early period,
and that they have kept up communication with the Christians
of the eastern Churches of Syria and Assyria from that early
period to the present day. It is also certain that in 1547
the Portuguese fomid at the Mount a grave with a cross in
relief on it, and a dove with extended wings. It had a
Pahlevi inscription, which Dr. Burnell ascribes to the eighth

280 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

century. 1 Tlie whole evidence in favour of the tradition has
been marshalled with great sldll by scholars in recent years,2
and need not bo repeated. There is a good deal to be said in
its favour, and a good deal against it ; nothing certain can be
proved on either side. The historical investigations of the
scholars mentioned are worthy of attention. But even if the
tradition could be proved to refer to no earlier period than
the eighth century, the Mount would still be from the Christian
point of view one of the most interesting places in India.

The Portuguese who found the remains built a chapel over
the spot, and used the monumental slab as a reredos of the altar.
The chapel has been in the charge of the Goanese Mission ever
since, and year by year a festival is held on St. Thomas' Day
at the Momit, which large numbers of Portuguese Christians
from all parts of India attend. The name given to the Mount
by the natives is Parangamalai, that is, the hill of the Feringhi.
This name cannot be more ancient than the establishment of the
Frankish empire in Europe ; and the probability is that it is
not older than the end of the seventeenth century, when the
Mahomedan power was extended to the south of India. For
it was the Mahomedans of Western Asia who applied the term
Feringhi to Europeans generally, not the Dravidians of the
Coromandel coast.

The eighteenth century gave the Mount ^ an importance of
another kind. It was on the high road to the French settle-
ment of Pondicherry, the Danish settlement of Tranquebar,
the Dutch settlement of Negapatam, and to the principal
towns belonging to om- allies, the Nawab of the Carnatic and the
Eajah of Tanjore. Its position gave it a military importance
to the Government of Fort St. George. In 1759 a fierce contest
took place at the foot of the Mount between the British troops
under Colonel Caillaud, who was marching from the south to
the relief of Fort St. George, and the French troops under
Count Lally, who had just raised the siege. The battle lasted
twelve hours and resulted in the retreat of the French

' Indian Antiqiuiry, 1874, p. 313.

- By the Rev. Dr. C. E. Kennet in the Indian Church Quarterly Review, 1888.
and by the Rev. Dr. Medlycott in his Christians of St. Thomas.
3 The Mount is nine miles S.W. of Fort St. George.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1825 AND 1835 281

force. 1 Fifteen years later, 1774, it was made the headquarters
of the Madras Artillery, and it remained so till 1858, when the
Company's European troops became the soldiers of the Queen.^

In 1776 Lord Pigot, the Governor of Fort St. George, was
caballed against by some of the military officers in the Presi-
dency, taken prisoner, and confined in the house of Major
Matthew Home, the Artillery Commandant at the Mount.
There is a rare print of the Mount bound up with a poem by
Eyles Irwin, dated 1774, in which this house, a large two-
storey bungalow, is shown.

In 1781 Sir Eyre Coote assembled the army here previous
to taking the field against Hyder Ali and the French.

It is a remarkable fact that though the Mount was only
nine miles from Fort St. George, there is no record of a visit
of a Chaplain to the station before 1795. The Vepery mission-
aries of the S.P.C.K. began religious work in the cantonment
at an early period in its history among the soldiers and their
native and Eurasian wives. They included the account of
their work at the Mount in their annual reports to the Society .^
The soldiers and their families who desired religious ministra-
tions were not therefore left without them. These voluntary
and unofficial efforts were appreciated by more than a few, as at
other military stations where the Society's missionaries worked.
In 1794 the Rev. R. Owen was appointed to officiate at Poona-
mallee, from which place he paid periodical visits to the Mount
during 1795, during one of which he celebrated a marriage.
From that date till 1803 the marriage returns show the station
was sometimes visited by the Chaplain of Poonamallee, some-
times by the Chaplain of Fort St. George, and sometimes by
the Vepery missionary.

In 1804 the Rev. J. E. Atwood was permanently stationed
at the Mount with orders to visit Poonamallee.'^ In 1810 the
two stations were separated and a Chaplain allotted to each.^

• See the Imperial Gazetteer, ' St. Thomas' Mount.'

- For terms of transfer and distinguished service of the old Madras Artillery-
see Wilson's History of the Madras Army, iv. 411.

^ Mr. Paezold reported in a letter of March 9, 1811, a visit to the Mount,
when there were twenty-nine communicants.

4 Despatch, April 9, 1806, 37, Public.

5 Despatch, Nov. 3, 1815, 125, Mil.

282 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

As soon as Atwood took up his abode in the station there was
a general desire to have a building for divine service. The
Officer Commanding represented to the Government the
necessity of providing a chapel. i The Government called
upon the Military Board to provide a plan and estimate,
and meanwhile authorised the Commanding Officer to rent
a house at thirty-five pagodas a month, which would serve
the double purpose of a place of worship and accommodation
for the Chaplain .2 Tlie Military Board submitted a plan of
a Church which would have cost 7472 pagodas, which is
under £3000. Tlie Government at that early period in
its experience of Church building thought the price exor-
bitant, and postponed the question for a season.^ The
Rev. J. E. Atwood, who was so anxious to have the chapel,
died in 1810 without seeing it. His successor, the Rev.
C. Ball, applied in 1811 to have the hired house adapted to
the purpose for which it was used. This was done by the
Government in this way ; the dividing walls of the rooms
below were taken down, and the three rooms thrown into one
at the cost of 754 pagodas.* This building sufficed till 1825,
though the accommodation was much smaller than what was
required.

In 1817 Major-General Bell proposed to sell to the Govern-
ment a site for the construction of a chapel for Rs.5622. The
hired house required substantial repair, and the Government
thought this a good opportunity to erect a more appropriate
building. They therefore sanctioned '" a buildmg to seat 460
persons and to cost Rs.30,168, and agreed to purchase General
Bell's property at his price. They did not, however, take any
action till they had received the Directors' reply. This was
given in 1824, when the building was sanctioned at a total cost
of Rs.35,000.^' Before acting upon the sanction the Government
altered their plans. They found that there was a block of

• Letter, March 8, 1805, 172, Mil. ; Despatch, July 30, 1806, 537, Mil.
- It was ' a little way up the hill' {Madrasiana, p. 65).
^ Letter, April 22, 1805, 418, Mil. ; Despatch, Sept. 7, 1808, 119, MU.
" Letter, March 15, 1811, 941, Mil. ; Despatch, April 29, 1814, 145, Mil.
'= Comnltalions, Nov. 10, 1820, 25-26, Eccl.

<= Despatch, July 28, 1824, 34, 35, 37, Eccl. ; Conaullatims, March 18, 1825,
1, 2. Eccl.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1825 AND 1835 283

land available to the south of the parade ground which was their
own property, and that it was not necessary to purchase a
site from General Bell. They also found out that a Church to
seat 460 would not be large enough for the garrison. They
called for fresh plans and estimates, and informed the Directors
that they had sanctioned the erection of a building to seat 600
at a cost of Es.39,455, which was Rs.4455 more than the
Directors had authorised.! In arranging for the additional
accommodation the Government had an idea that one Church
would suffice for the Mount and Pallaveram, a cantonment four
miles away, and the Directors took this into consideration in
authorising the increased expenditure. Soon after the date
of the letter home the work of building was begun, and it was
continued through most of the year 1826.

In the year 1823 the Government sanctioned a palankeen
allowance of Es.70 a month to the Chaplain in consideration of
his having to extend his services to the ' Presidency Canton-
ment ' of Pallaveram.'' The sanction of a Church with suffi-
cient accommodation for both stations looks as if they contem-
plated saving the palankeen allowance. This was not done at
once. The order came in 1832 ^ for the discontinuance of the
evening service at Pallaveram and the transfer of it to the
Mount. Then, of course, the allowance was stopped, and there
was a sanctioned grant of Es.593 to supply wall lamps for the
Mount Church .4 On the completion of the building the
compound was surrounded with a wall and railing.^

The original agitation for the building of the Church began
when the Rev. J. E. Atwood was Chaplain in 1805. It was
continued in 1817 when the Rev. C. Ball was the Chaplain.
The sanction of Government to a building was obtained in 1820
during the Chaplaincy of the Rev. William Roy. The erection
took place in 1825-26 when the Rev. John Hallewell was at the
Mount. He had the original arrangement of the furniture.

The Rev. W. T. Blenkinsop was Chaplain of the Mount

1 Letter, Sept. 9, 1825, 17, Ecc!. ; Despatch, Nov. 29, 182G, 13, 14, Eccl.

- Despatch, Feb. 23, 1825, 12, Eccl.

3 Letter, June 1, 1832, 3, Eccl. ; Despatch, Feb. 20, 1833, 27, Eccl.

" Letter, Jan. 4, 1833, 10, Eccl. ; Despatch. May 21, 1834, 12, 13, Eccl.

'" Consultations, April 24, 1829, 1, 2, Eccl.

284 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

from 1827 to 1843. During his time a small chapel was put up
in the soldiers' parcherry for the benefit of the native Christian
soldiers of the Company's Artillery, the Eurasians of the
native regiments, and other Christian natives in the station.
The original building in 1832 was small, but it sufficed. In 1848
it was enlarged by the Rev. W. P. Powell. It then measured
59 X 35 X 29 feet, seated 200 persons, and cost over Rs.4500.
The money to erect the building was raised in the station ;
the building was put in charge of the S.P.G.^

Either Mr. Powell or the Rev. J. Richards was responsible
for the adapted building known as the St. John's Library in
1849. Possibly both had a hand in raising the money to
establish it. It is a club and recreation resort, containing a
billiard-room, games room, library, and reading-room ; it was
intended to benefit the men of the domiciled European and
Eurasian community of the station. The Chaplain is the
president and manager, and it is used for various kinds of
social and religious purposes.

The plan of the station Church was the usual one
supplied by the Military Board at the period. It measures
133 X 66 X 33 feet. In the Official Return of Churches in
1852 it is said to have cost Rs. 42,714 ; but this includes the
building itself, the wall, the punkahs ^ supplied in 1845 ' instead
of more expensive improvements designed to obviate the heat
of the building,' and the repairs up to that date. It was
solemnly consecrated and named in honour of St. Thomas on
October 31, 1830, by Bishop Turner of Calcutta.

The Church is handsomely furnished ; this has been done
chiefly by the civil and military officers of the station in times
past. Over the altar is a large and striking picture of the
appearance of our Lord to St. Thomas and the other apostles
after the Resurrection. It is the work of Major J. B. Richard-
son, formerly in command of one of the batteries. It was
restored and renovated by a professional artist during the
Governorship of Sir Arthur Havelock.

There are thirteen tablets in the Church to officers of the old
Madras Artillery, including Lieut. -Colonel John Noble, who

» Official Return of Churches, 1852.

2 Letter, June 10, 1845, 2, 3, Eccl. ; Despatch, March 10, 1847, 18, Eccl.

ST. THOMAS' CHURCH, ST. THOMAS' MOUNT.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1825 AND 1835 285

formed and commanded the first troop of Horse Artillery, and
died in 1827. The names of Porteous, Byam, Foulis, Cullen,
Oakes, and Blundell will be familiar to many Madrasis. Major-
General William Sydenham has a monument in the churchyard.
On the race-course is a monument over the remains of Major
Donald Mackay, dated 1783, who desired to be buried in front
of the lines of the Army.

Pallaveram. — In the year 1847, when the Kev. W. P. Powell
was Chaplain, the question of providing the pensioners, veterans,
and troops at Pallaveram with facilities for divine worship again
came to the front. It was recognised to be absurd to assume
that they would or even could walk four miles to the Mount
and back again for the purpose. The Government, taking this
into consideration, and also the fact that there were many
children in the place growing up without proper education,
adapted the main guard to religious and educational use by
furnishing the large room above as a Church, and the smaller
rooms below as a school. ^ The actual outlay was Es.l065, of
which the residents gave Es.283. The Government then en-
closed the cemetery, and placed the Mount Chaplain in charge
of the station with an allowance for the extra work and the
journeying to and fro. The large upper room is well furnished ;
it measures 53 X 42 feet, and seats about 200 persons. Paha-
veram has seen a succession of right-minded workers, who have
cared greatly for all things connected with the Church. The
name of Mrs. Parker, the Army schoolmistress, will long be
remembered with gratitude ; she gave her services as organist
and Sunday-school teacher from 1869 to 1889, and was the
main mover and organiser of every kind of Christian work in the
place during that time.

The building is known as St. Stephen's, but it is not a
consecrated building, and has never had any name officially
given to it. In the list of consecrated Churches in the diocese
is that of Vallaveram, which is a place in the Chingleput District
generally known now as Villapuram. Some one misread the
name Pallaveram, and quoted the official list as evidence that

> Letters, Dec. 21, 1847, 8, 11, ami Jan. 12, 1849, 12, Eccl. ; Despatches,
Aug. 22, 1849, 21, and July 30, 1851, G, Eccl. ; Consultations, Nov. 9, 1849,
5, 6, and Sept. 11, 1849, 1, 2, EccJ.

286 THE CHURCH IN IVIADRAS

the Pcallaveram Main Guard building was consecrated and
named in honour of St. Stephen.

In the year 1883, when the Kev. W. Leeming was Chaplain,
extensive alterations and improvements were made at the
expense of the congregation. Colonel Henry Smallcy, R.E.,
was one of the moving spirits. Lieutenant F .Wilson gave a new
lectern ; Mr. J. A. Dring gave a prayer desk ; Mrs. Tarrant
worked the altar frontal ; the congregation raised enough
money to purchase a new American organ, and to renew the
lamps. And all this was done with the greatest goodwill and
pleasure. The infection was caught no doubt from Mrs.
Parker, who loved the little sanctuary for the spiritual help it
gave her, and could never do too much to adorn and beautify it.
Since 1847 the Mount and Pallaveram have been linked
together as one Chaplaincy. Guindy Park, the country resi-
dence of the Governor, is within the limits of the parish. The
occasional presence of the Governors at St. Thomas' Church,
when in residence at Guindy, has been an advantage to the
building and its furniture. The Mount is near enough to the
Presidency to enable the Chaplain to draw an extra allowance
for house rent to meet the extra cost of living. This and the
allowance for Pallaveram and the enjoyment of sea-breeze have
made the Chaplaincy the most desirable of all in the diocese
after the Cathedral and St. Mary's, Fort St. George.

Hohj Trinity Church, Aurangahad. — Aurangabad is in the
north-west corner of the Nizam's dominions, an historic corner
which includes the site of the battle of Assaye. In the year
1600 A.D. the Moghuls entered the District. Thirty-live years
later Aurangzebe became Viceroy of the Deccan and took up
his abode in it. In 1637 the District was annexed to the
Moghul empire and incorporated in the Deccan Province.
The Viceroy changed the name of the old Mahratta capital to
Aurangabad. Here he plotted against his father and brothers,
and from this centre he carried on his long conflicts with
Sivaji the Mahratta, and with the kingdoms of Bijapore and
Golcondah.

On his death in 1707 his general Asaf Jah declared his
independence of the Moghul empire, made Hyderabad his
capital, and assumed the title of Nizam. The next hundred

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1825 AND 1835 287

years were years of continual conflict and destruction. In
1803 Colonel Welsh described Aurangabad as a heap of splendid
ruins. 1 There were a few palaces and houses undestroyed,
among them the beautiful white marble mosque and mausoleum
which Aurangzebo built to the memory of his favourite wife
after the model of the Taj Mahal. The modern city is to the
east of the old city, and the cantonment on the west side of it.
At the time Colonel Welsh visited it the place was principally
famous for its gardens and fruits.

After the Mahratta war of 1803-5 the cantonment was
garrisoned by three regiments of the Hyderabad Contingent,
two of infantry and one of cavalry. This arrangement con-
tinued for some time. There was also a regiment at Jaulnah
and at Mominabad in the neighbourhood.

The ecclesiastical records commence in the year 1828, when
the officers of the station built themselves a small Church at
their own expense. The plan of it included a nave 37 X 20
feet, two aisles each 37 X 10 feet, a chancel 16x8 feet, and
two vestries at the west end each 13 x 8 feet. The nave was
divided from the aisles by two arches. The roof was flat ;
there was no belfry, so that there was no external sign of its
ecclesiastical character. The building served its purpose for
nearly fifty years. Only once was it repaired by the Madras
Government.'

Some time between 1872 and 1877 a local desire was mani-
fested to have a building which looked more like a Church
The consent of all the necessary persons was obtained, and the
building was sold to the military authorities for Es.5000 and
converted into a staff office. In appearance it was like an
ordinary bungalow. It was neither consecrated nor licensed,
so that there was no difficulty in making the alteration.

To the money thus obtained was added Es.5000 from the
Nizam's Government, and the present building was erected.
The plan and the size were almost the same as those of the old
building. The only difference was in the external appearance.
Some of the old furniture was transferred to the new building,
some was renewed by the Government ; but the pulpit, lectern,

1 Reminiscences, i. 167.
- G.O., Oct. 20, 1865, No. 279, Eccl.

288 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

the altar and its hangings were provided by the officers of the
station, who also enclosed the compound with a railing, planted
trees, made the roadway, filled the windows with coloured glass
and floored the sanctuary of the Church. The harmonium was
the gift of Colonel Adye in 1893. The new Church was conse-
crated by Bishop Gell on November 22, 1879, and named in
honour of the Hoi}' Trinity.

Up to 1864 there was no resident Chaplain. Aurangabad
had been visited periodically by the Chaplain of Jaulnah.
On the reduction of the Jaulnah garrison Aurangabad became
the more important of the two stations, and the Chaplain was
ordered to reside there. This arrangement continued until
1897, when the Chaplain was withdrawn, and the C.M.S.
commenced a mission in the place. The Church was placed at
the disposal of the missionary in return for his services to the
Europeans of the station.

Aurangabad was a difficult place to get at before the time
of railways, and even now it is a difficult journey. But the
climate is good, the scenery charming ; the historic remains of
the Buddhists, Jains, Hindus, and Mahomedans are interesting ;
the gardens, fruit, and vegetables are attractive ; so that they
who have been stationed there speak of the place with affection.
But with the reduced garrisons there is not enough work for a
resident Chaplain, more especially as there is neither a European
school nor Eurasian poor.

Tripassore. — This is a small station in the Chingleput Dis-
trict Avithin easy reach of Poonamallee. In the first quarter
of the nineteenth century the Government of Fort St. George
established a small cantonment in the town of Cuddalore for
the benefit of the newly arrived cadets in the Company's
service. Here they were collected together under a com-
mandant and supplied with Munshis for the purpose of learning
the languages of the country. Cuddalore was esteemed to be
after a time too far off from Madras, and preparation was made
to receive the cadets at Tripassoro. Small bungalows were
built in lines and a Mess House erected, but no record has been
found that the cadets were ever sent there. The better plan
was evolved at headquarters of sending the young men straight
to different regiments for purposes of discipline, with instructions

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1825 AND 1835 289

to the commanding officers to allow them time for language
study.

The newly built bungalows at Tripassore were allotted to
pensioned soldiers of the King's and the Company's service,
who, by reason of having married Eurasians or natives, desired
to remain in the country. They were enrolled in a veteran
battalion and were under a commandant. Shortly before the
visit of Archdeacon Eobinson in 1829 the Government altered
the Mess House and furnished it as a chapel for the community. i
The Archdeacon, acting as Commissary for the Bishop of
Calcutta, licensed it for all ecclesiastical purposes on June 14,
1830.

The building measured 58 X 36 x 14 feet, and accommodated
150 persons. 2 According to the inspection report of Archdeacon
Eobinson, there were in 1829 one hundred Eurasian children in
the local school.^ The chapel was not therefore any larger than
was required. It was placed in the charge of the Poonamallee
Chaplain, who had to visit the station periodically. The first
Chaplain was the Kev. F. Spring, whose ' judicious work ' was
praised by the Archdeacon.

A Church of England mission was commenced in the
station before the Government built quarters for the cadets.
This was originated by the Eev. W. Sawyer, an energetic
missionary of the C.M.S., who built a small chapel for the
Christian Tamil wives of the pensioners in 1824. It measured
only 33 x 12x10 feet and accommodated seventy-two persons."*
The mission was given up soon after 1855, when the local
Government was recommended by the Directors not to encourage
European pensioners to settle in Tripassore."'

As long as the pensioners and their descendants were in the
place the Government kept the old Mess House in good repair
as a chapel, and ordered the Poonamallee Chaplain to pay
regular visits to the station. Extensive repairs and alterations

1 Consultations, Aug. 25, 1829, Nos. 5, 6, Eccl. The cost of the alteration
was Rs.1987.

- Official Return of Churches, 1852.
^ Archdeacon's Records.
•* Official Return of Churches, 1852.

^ Letter, Dec. 30, 1854, 15-19, Eccl. ; Despatch, Aug. 29, 1855, 47, Eccl.
VOL. n. xj

290 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

were made in 1847 and in 1862.^ But the Eurasian population
gradually dwindled, till in the year 1897 there were only
four elderly women left. In the meanwhile the L.M.S. had
taken up the work dropped by the C.M.S., and sent a native
agent to reside and take charge of it. Two of the four women
attended the ministrations of the L.M.S. agent and were
satisfied with them. Under these circumstances the visiting
Chaplam of Poonamallee recommended that the station should
he given up and the building made over to the L.M.S. for their
use until again required. This was done.^ Times and circum-
stances change. Tripassore is at the present time of so little
importance that it is not even mentioned in the Iviperial
Gazetteer.

St. Thomas', Quilon. — Quilon has with other places on the
Malabar coast an ancient Christian connection and history.
It is referred to in authenticated documents of the seventh
century as ' the most southern point of Christian influence.'
It is the Coilum of Marco Polo. The Portuguese established
their influence here at the end of the fifteenth century. They
were displaced by the Dutch East India Company in 1662 ;
and the British influence of the English East India Company
commenced in 1789. The Maharajah of Travancore, in whose
territory Quilon is situated, was in that year threatened
with invasion by Tippoo Sahib of Mysore. He therefore
entered into a treaty with the Government of Fort St. George,
and agreed to maintain a subsidiary force of British troops ^
at Quilon for the defence of his country. At the same time
a British political officer, called the Eesident, was appointed
to guide the external policy of the Maharajah's Government.
The State of Travancore was successfully defended against
aggression during the life of Tippoo. After his death and defeat
the Travancoreans seem to have thought that a subsidiary
force of British troops at Quilon was no longer necessary, and
the subsidy fell into arrears. At the end of the year 1808 the
Resident, Lieut. -Colonel Macaulay, took certain measures, and

> Consultations, July 29, 1845 and April 13, 1847, Eccl. ; G.O., Oct. 11,
1862, No. 300, Eccl.

■ CO., June 7, 1898, No. 03, Eccl.

' This term includes the sepoys of the^Company's'native regiments.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1825 AND 1835 291

a widespread rebellion against the British occupation of Quilon
was at once unmasked. After some hard fighting i the Eajah
submitted, and paid the arrears of the subsidy and the expenses
of the war.

The result of this rebellion against the East India Company's
policy was that the Quilon cantonment was enlarged and tem-
porary barracks built to accommodate a regiment of Europeans
and a battery of European artillery. The European infantry
garrisoned Quilon until 1817, when their services were required
in the Mahratta country.

The policy of appointing Chaplains to minister to British
troops originated in 1795, but it only applied to European
troops. The European officers of native corps were not
supposed to need such ministrations. Consequently there was
no intention or application or even suggestion of sending a
Chaplain to Quilon between 1789 and 1809. After this latter
date there was a desire among the officers and the men both for
a Chaplain and a Church. The only Chaplain on the Malabar
coast at the time was in charge of the garrisons at Tellicherry,
Cannanore, and Mangalore. In the year 1812 he was ordered to
visit Quilon.2 The necessity of appointing a Chaplain was in
this way ascertained, and Quilon was mentioned as a place where
one ought to be sent when the local Government asked for an
increase of Chaplains.-^ In the early part of 1814 the Eev.
James Hutchison arrived at Fort St. George and was at once
posted to Quilon, and there he remained till 1821.

The year before his arrival the Political Eesident in Travan-
core, Lieut.-Colonel John Munro, recommended the erection
of a chapel, but the Military Board were not in favour of this,
because it was intended to withdraw the regiment of European
infantry from the station.* The Directors, however, recom-
mended that one should be built.

In 1816 the Bishop of Calcutta visited Quilon. He also
recommended that a Church should be built.^ The Government

1 Wilson's History of the Madras Army.

2 Letter, Oct. 17, 1812, lf)5-66, Mil. ; Despatch, Nov. 3, 1815, 129, Mil.

3 Despatch, April 29, 1814, 5, Public.

" Letter, Dec. 31, 1813, 236-38, Mil. ; Despatch, June 12, 1816, 131-34
Mil.

» Letter, Sept. 26, 1816, 107, Public.

V 2

292 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

informed the Directors, who wrote in reply that the recom-
mendation had been forestalled by themselves. They said : i ' In
para. 153 of Despatch dated 11 Jan. 1809, Public, we authorised
the building of chapels at all permanent military stations to
which a Chaplain is attached,' &c. ' We do not therefore
understand why a chapel has not been built at Quilon.' And
they added : ' In considering how far it may be advisable to
erect Churches upon the territories of our alhes, or in situations
where the residence of our troops cannot be considered as
permanent, it may be a question whether the consecration of a
Church upon ground over which the laws of England have no
control may not at some future period be productive of em-
barrassing consequences.' This was the whole difficulty with
the local Government. At the time this despatch was being
written, trouble was brewing in the Mahratta country ; the
European regiment was soon afterwards removed from Quilon,
and the Government shelved the question of building a Church.

At this time Colonel Welsh was stationed at Quilon. He
says that the cantonment was extensive ; that it included
temporary barracks for a thousand British infantry, three
native corps, and a hundred European artillerymen.^ He
regretted that there was no Church ; ' this privation is the
more felt from the proximity to several large Roman Catholic
Churches.'

Colonel Welsh praised the scenery and said that the Resi-
dency was in one of the loveliest spots in the world. In 1824
he was appointed to command the Quilon garrison, which
consisted of three regiments of Madras infantry and a company
of Madras artiller3\ There was no longer any need for European
infantry. Colonel Newall was the Resident. Both he and
Colonel Welsh agreed that a Church ought to bo built, and the
need was represented to the Madras Government. Estimates
were prepared by the Military Board in 1825 ; the lower one
amounted to Rs. 12,000 ; it was not sanctioned, because of the
uncertainty of the continuance of so large a force at the station,
and the Directors approved of the decision arrived at.^

' Despatcli, Oct. 22, 1817. 20, 28, 30, Eccl.

- Welsh's Reminiscences, ii. 100.

- Letter, April 29, 1825, 49, Political ; Despatch, July 23, 1828, 23, Eccl.

(fl

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1825 AND 1835 293

The Resident was however persistent, and in 1827 fresh
plans and estimates were prepared. i These were sanctioned,^
and the building was soon afterwards commenced. According
to the 1852 Official Eeturn the size of the building was
62 X 34 X 17 feet ; this included the sanctuary and two
vestries. The estimated cost was Es.7769 for the building
and Rs.l327 for the furniture, but the estimate was exceeded
by nearly Rs.800. Lieutenant Green of the Madras Engineers
was the designer and builder ; the accommodation was for
150 persons. Archdeacon Robinson arrived at Quilon on his
tour of inspection in January 1829. Li his report to the
Government he said that the design reflected great credit on
Lieutenant Green, but that the Church was small and would
only acconniiodate a hundred persons.^ The Directors called
for a report on this point and on that of cost. The Govern-
ment sent all the documents, and the Directors were satisfied.^
The building was solemnly dedicated to God, and conse-
crated by Bishop Spencer of Madras on St. Thomas' Day, 1840,
and was named in honour of that Apostle.

Between 1814 and 1864 various causes combined to reduce
the importance of Quilon. The European infantry were re-
moved in 1817 ; the Maharani set up her court at Trevandrum
about 1820 ; two of the native regiments were taken away
later on, and when the Resident removed his headquarters to
Trevandrum, there were few Europeans left in the place to
minister to. Up to that time Trevandrum was the out-station
of Quilon. After all these changes Quilon became the out-
station of Trevandrum. The Rev. S. T. Pettigrew, who visited
Quilon from Trevandrum in the years 1874-77, speaks '" of the
departed splendour of the old Residency, the natural beauty
of its position, and the interesting character of the old
engravings on the walls within it.

Like all other Churches held in trust by the Government the

' Consultations, Nov. 23, 1827, Political.
- Consultations, June 20, 1828, 1, 2, Eccl.

3 Letter, Jan. 4, 1833, 2, Eccl. ; Despatch, May 21, 1834, 4, 5, Eccl.
•* Without reckoning the sanctuary and the vestries the floor space of the
Church is 166 sq. yds.

■' Episodes in the Life of an Indian Chaplai7i.

294 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

building has always been kept in good repair. The porch had
to be reconstructed in 1871, and extensive restorations were
carried out ten years later. The burial-ground, where so many
soldiers of the 12th and 69th regiments rest, was fenced in 1837,
and has been well kept since. Sometimes the officers of the
native regiment at Quilon have taken a deep interest in the
Church. In 1898 the officers subscribed money to put in a
coloured glass window and to tile the sanctuary floor. At
about the same time Colonel Lowry presented the Church with a
handsome carved teak wood altar rail.

The first Chaplain of Quilon was the Rev. James Hutchi-
son. After ministering seven years the Commanding Officer
complained ' that his discourses were not calculated to improve
the morals of his hearers.' There is nothing on the records to
show the nature of the complaint. The Government of Fort
St. George read between the lines that there was friction between
the Chaplain and the Commanding Officer. They therefore
gazetted Dr. Hutchison to another station,^ and left Quilon
without a Chaplain for a period.

The Rev. Frederick Spring was the Chaplain who saw
the building and the consecration of the Church. The Rev.
R. W. Whitford, an eccentric man who was full of the
missionary spirit, established a native mission in Quilon in
1842. This was superintended by successive Chaplains, but was
nearly broken up in 1863 when Trevandrum was made their
headquarters. One of the Chaplains established a free school
for Eurasians, but it cannot be ascertained whether this was
done by Dr. Hutchison or his successor, Christopher Jeaffreson.
The Rev. R. W. Whitford was dismissed the Company's service ^
in 1848 for insubordination to the Bishop. Among other things
he unjustifiably detained for over three and a half years the
funds of the Quilon Free School after his transfer. Among
other Chaplains of Quilon there were Vincent Shortland, who
estabhshed the native Church mission at Trevandrum ; G. B.
Howard, who pubhshed reliable information on the Syrian
Christians and their Liturgies ; and S. T. Pettigrew, who
published his reminiscences as a Chaplain.

1 Letter, July 0, 1821, EccL ; Despatch, July 28, 1821, Gl, l^ccl.
- Despatch, Sept. 20, 1848, Eccl.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1825 AND 1835 295

Both Quilon and Trevandrum are now in the diocese of
Travancore,

Trinity Church, John Pereiras. — From the missionary point
of view the spot known as John Pereiras is one of the most
interesting in Madras. It was purchased in 1729 together with a
house standing on it by Schultze/ one of the first of the German
missionaries in the employ of the S.P.C.K. The house was
destroyed during the occupation of Madras by the French in
1746-49, but the site remained the property of the Vepery
Mission." From this date until 1828 the site was used as a
garden and burial-ground for native Christians ; but a certain
number of native Christians had ' squatted ' on the property and
erected small dwellings on it. In the year 1818 the Madras
District Committee of the S.P.C.K. made a list of the Society's
property in Madras,'^ and included the ' Mission burying-
ground at John Pereiras, around which are some houses built
on it by Christians.' In 1826 the squatters resisted the measure-
ment of the ground * by the Collector of Madras, who was
proceeding at the request of the S.P.C.K. Committee. There
is no doubt that the property belonged to the S.P.C.K. from
1729 to 1826.

At the latter date the Eev, J. Kidsdale had begun his
ministrations among the John Pereiras community. Neither
the S.P.C.K. nor the S.P.G. had men for the purpose. In the
absence of documents it must be assumed that the S.P.C.K.
Madras Committee had no title-deeds to prove their ownership.
In 1828 Eidsdale purchased the ground from a builder in
Black Town, Mr. Stringer, who had appropriated it, and built
a chapel upon it.

Eidsdale was a zealous missionary, well known and trusted
not only by his own Society, but also by the Archdeacon and
other Churchmen of the Presidency town. He raised the money
to build the chapel, which cost over Es.6000, but came to the
end of his resources before the furnishing of it could be finished.
In this dilemma he appealed to the trustees of St. George's
Church, who were then renewing some of their furniture. The
Archdeacon proposed that the old furniture should be given to

> The Church in Madras, i. 195. ^ W. Tajdor's Memoir, jjp. 11, 13, 17.
3 Hid. p. 165. •* Hid. p. 334.

296 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

him. The trustees said that there was none to be removed
that would be of any use, and suggested that a Government
grant of Es.oOO would be more acceptable. The Government
therefore gave a donation of Es.oOO. When they wrote to the
Directors ^ they explained that it was on account of a small
chapel, ' the shell of which has been completed in the midst of
a large population of the poorest class, who have raised a sub-
scription for it exceeding Es.6000, but seats and furniture were
required for litting it up for pubHc worship, and the people
had no funds for the purpose. We therefore authorised,' &c.
And the Directors sanctioned the grant.

Mr. Eidsdale built the chapel for the use of the Eurasians
as well as the native Indian Christians of the district, and it
has been regularly used for this twofold purpose up to the
present time. In consideration of this the Government assisted
with a grant of Es.400 the repair of the chapel in 1871.^

After Mr. Eidsdalc's death the building was put into trust
for the C.M.S., and is now held by the Church Missionary Trust
Association. It has not been consecrated, nor officially named,
but it is generally known as Trinity Church. It was licensed in
1833 by Archdeacon Eobinson, as Commissary of the Bishop
of Calcutta, for all ecclesiastical purposes.

Between 1816 and 1833 both the C.M.S. and the S.P.G. had
reason to be thankful to the Directors and the Government of
Fort St. George for their HberaHty and goodwill. The former
Society had a handsome Church built for them in Black Town,
and received assistance for the John Pereiras chapel. The
latter Society were greatly helped in the building of the new
Vepery Church, and in the extensive repairs of the buildings at
Trichinopoly and Cuddalore.

1 Letter, Jan. 18, 1833, 7, Eccl. ; Despatch, Dec. 4, 1833, 10, Eccl.
' 0.0. , Dec. 8, 1871, No. 211, Eccl.

CHAPTER [XVI

RELIGIOUS, SOCIAL AND EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS, 1805 TO 1835

Settlement of the country. Increase of stations and Chaplains. Building of
Churches. The Christians of India. Buchanan's and Kerr's researches.
Rules for Chaplains. Marriages by civil, military and naval officers. Com-
fort of British soldiers in India. Bishop Middleton's libraries. Soldiers'
libraries suggested by the Governor-General. The views of the Commander-
in-Chief of the Madras army. The books. Building of fives courts, racquet
courts, and swimming baths. Native education and the Company. Bengal
follows the lead of the Madras Government. Grants to missionary schools
for their secular work. Definition of the term 'native.' Europeans and
Eurasians born in the country excluded. The advantage and disadvantage
of this to the latter.

The more important ecclesiastical events and changes have
been recorded. But this record would not be complete without
mentioning some of the less important events and the causes
which led to them.

Ecclesiastical changes during the whole history of the rule
of the East India Company waited upon political changes.
Up to the end of the eighteenth century the Company's inter-
ests— civil, miHtary, mercantile, and religious — were small
compared with those which arose after its completion. The
difference was due to the defeat and the extinction of the power
of the native State of Mysore.

As soon as this great and ever-threatening power was
reduced there were vast political and social changes throughout
the peninsula. There was no longer any necessity to keep
British troops within the walls of forts and towns, or encamped
under their guns. With the exception of Cochin and Travan-
core the whole of South India came under the rule of the
Government of Fort St. George. This necessitated the increase
of the civil and mihtary establishments, the division of the

298 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

country into districts, the formation of new military centres,
the building of barracks and military hospitals, and the erection
of Court houses and jails for the proper administration of justice.

By the year 1807 the Madras army was distributed through-
out the southern Presidency in three divisions : the northern,
centre, and southern. Within these commands there were
brigades and smaller garrisons : at many different places, and a
subsidiary force at Secunderabad.^ The chief town of each
new district was fixed upon as the headquarters of the revenue,
judicial, and other civil officials. Owing to these causes a
large number of separate communities of Europeans were
created, some civil, some military, and some both.

In certain circles in England, known then as ' the religious
world,' a considerable amount of curiosity had arisen as to the
histor}^ and condition of existing Christian bodies in India.
The Directors wrote to the Bengal Government in 1798,^ and
sent a copy of their letter to the Madras Government in June
1800, suggesting the advisability of making inquiries on the
subject. The time was inopportune for both Governments, and
it was not till 1806 that they were able to act on the suggestion.
In that year the Bengal Government deputed ^ the Rev. Claudius
Buchanan ' to investigate the state of superstition at the
most celebrated temples of the Hindus ; to examine the Churches
and libraries of the Eomish, Syrian, and Protestant Christians ;
to ascertain the present state and recent history of the Eastern
Jews ; to discover what persons might be fit instruments for
the promotion of learning in their respective countries and for
maintaining a future correspondence on the subject of dis-
seminating the scriptures in India.'

Buchanan left Calcutta in May 1806. Before he reached
Madras the Governor of Fort St. George, who had received from
the Directors in 1803 a suggestion to acquire some facts relating
to the history of Christianity in India, wrote a minute on the
subject and submitted it to his Council.^ He pointed out that
the British Government allowed universal toleration of all

' H.H. the Nizam conferred this name on the cantonments of the subsidiary
force. Letter, Oct. 21, 1807, Political.

2 Despatch to Bengal, May 25, 1798, Public.
•'' The Bengal Government paid all expenses.
■* Comultalions, Juno 27, 180G.

RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS 299

religions. ' We seem called upon in the strongest manner to
take under our particular charge the whole Catholic Church
of Christ.' ' The differences between Christians arc trifling
compared with the differences between Cliristians, Hindus and
Mahomedans.' ' Their adherence to this or that Church is
a point in my opinion of secondary consideration.' ' All
Christians should mutually support and befriend each other.'
He then proposed that the Rev. Dr. Kerr — at that time in
Mysore on leave — should report to Government the history and
state of Christianity on the Malabar coast. This was agreed
to, and the following letter was sent to him :

' Reverend Sir, — The Rt. Hon. the Governor in Council,
being desirous of availing himself of your vicinity to the Malabar
Coast to obtain every possible information in regard to the
establishment &c. of the Christian religion in that part of the
peninsula ; I am directed by his Lordship in Council to desire
that as soon as the state of your health and the season will
permit, you will proceed to the provinces on that coast ; and
that you will forward to me for the information of Government
such accounts as you may be able to collect of the lirst intro-
duction of Christianity into India, of the arrival of the different
sects who have been or may be in existence, of their general
history, of the persecutions to which they may have been
exposed, of their success in making proselytes, of their Church
establishments, of the source from which they are maintained,
with all other circumstances connected with this important
subject.' ' G. C. Keble,

Sec. to Gov.'

Dr. Kerr was in bad health. No evidence has been found
that he proceeded to the west coast. But he submitted a
report on November 4, 1806, and this was entered in the
Council's Consultation Book three days later. In this report
he gave the history of early Christianity in India, of the St.
Thome or Jacobite Christians, of the Syrian Roman Catholics,
and of the Latin Roman Catholics, quoting from La Croze's
' History of Christianity in India,' ^ and he concluded with some

^ This book was published in 1724 at the Hague to expose the high-handed
action of the Roman Catholics against the Syrian Malabar Christians, especially
through the Synod of Diamper, 1599. The author was Librarian to the King
of Prussia.

300 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

general observations.^ The report was sent home to the
Directors in March 1807. In their reply they said that it did
credit to the zeal and ability of Dr. Kerr, and added : ' We must
not be understood to concur in every opinion and suggestion
to be found in his pages.' -

The determination of the two Governments of Bengal and
Madras to make the investigation was arrived at almost simul-
taneously. It was probably due to a little pressure brought
to bear on the Court of Directors by the Bishop of London.
Buchanan's report to the Government of Fort William was
afterwards published by the Bishop. It was an original and
scholarly effort, and had deservedly a very wide circulation.
Both the investigations were made with the consent and at the
expense of the East India Company.

The decision of the Directors to increase the number of
Chaplains^ led the Governor in Council to consider the expediency
of dra%\ing up some rules for their guidance. Lord William
Bentinck therefore wrote the following minute, and submitted
it to his colleagues : ^

' The clergy of the different Presidencies being under the
solo direction and superintendence of the local Governments,
we are called upon to watch with vigilant attention this part of
our charge. The late orders from home are particularly urgent
on this subject. I cannot take upon myself to say that the
service of the Church at outstations is or is not regularly per-
formed. But I am of opinion that much good might arise if
a code of regulations were framed in which the various duties
required of every clergyman might be exactly defined.

' This object would be further answered by the trans-
mission of periodical reports, specifying the duties done, and
such other particulars as might be required.

' If these sentiments should meet with the concurrence of
the Board I would beg leave to propose that the Senior Chaplain
be directed to draw up a code of regulations for the guidance
of the clergy and to submit them for the approbation of the
Governor in Council. W. Bentinck.'

'April 29, 1806.'

• See The Church in Madras, i. 684.

- Despatch, Jan. 11, 1809, 84-86, Public,

••' Despatch, June 5, 1805, 7-18, Public.

' India Office Record.'s, Homo Series, Misc., vol. 59.

RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS 301

The Council acquiesced. The Rev. Dr. Kerr drew up forth-
with sixteen rules, and these were approved by the Government,
with some slight alterations, and promulgated on July 3, 1806.
Briefly they were as follows : ^

1. Every Chaplain to conduct divine service every Sunday
morning for the Europeans, civil and mihtary, residing in the
garrison to which he is appointed ; saying the whole of morning
prayer and preaching a sermon.

2. If there is no church the Chaplain to apply to the CO. or
the Chief Civilian to allot a room for the purpose ; if no room is
available the Chaplain to apply to the CO. for a range of tents.

3. In case of hindrance, or non-attendance, or the opening
of shops, he is to complain in writing to the CO. or Senior
Civilian (as the case may be) ; if no redress, to forward copy of
complaint to the Senior Chaplain, to be laid before the Right
Hon. the Governor in Council.

4. Christmas Day and Good Friday to be kept holy, and the
usual solemnities of the Church to be duly observed.

5. If through illness or other cause any service of the Church
is omitted a letter of explanation is to be sent to the Senior
Chaplain.

6. Private baptisms in houses to be discouraged except in
cases of necessity.

7. Sacrament of the Lord's Supper to be administered four
times a year, Christmas, Easter, Whitsunday, and the thirteenth
Sunday after Trinity.

8. Marriages : (1) to obtain the Governor's permission to
marry those in the higher ranks ; or the permission of the chief
civil or military officer in the case of those of the lower ranks ;
(2) to perform the ceremony in canonical hours in the Church
or building usually used for divdne service. Any deviation of
this rule to be reported to the Senior Chaplain.

9. Women to be Churched only in the face of the congrega-
tion, and at the time of public prayer.

10. Funerals at 6.30 a.m. or 5 p.m.

11. Chaplains to observe the fasts and festivals of the
Church, and to use their influence to prevent public amusements
in Holy Week.

' Approved by the Court of Directors, Despatch, Sept. 7, 1808, 119, Mil.

302 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

12. To visit frequently the sick in hospital, to pray by
those who wish such consolation, and to administer the sacra-
ment of the Lord's Supper.

13. Not to carry on any trade or traffic directly or indirectly.

14. The Order of Government of March 27, 1805, regarding
returns of sacred offices in oat-garrisons to be strictly observed.

15. The junior clergy to make quarterly reports to the Senior
Chaplain on the state of religion, pointing out any irregularities
tending to disturb the peace of society or to subvert the
principles of true religion and virtue.

16. The Senior Chaplain to communicate to Government all
matters relating to the Church. All communications from the
junior clergy to the Government to be addressed to the Senior
Chaplain, in order that he may make such remarks thereon as
he may think proper. The Senior Chaplain is not hereby
authorised to keep back any letter which may be forwarded to
him.

For some time before this the Chaplains, and even the
Lutheran missionaries in the employ of the S.P.C.K., had been
much exercised in their minds as to the validity of the baptisms
and marriages performed by the civil and military officers
in the out-garrisons, under the sanction of the Government.
The Senior Chaplain, Dr. Kerr, seems to have addressed the
Government on the subject ; for in 1807 the Government issued
some regulations for the performance of the different offices of
the Church in the absence of a clergyman, hmiting baptism and
marriage to the Civil Magistrates and the Commanding Officers
of stations and corps, and in the same year permitted Dr. Kerr
to address the Archbishop of Canterbury on this and other
perplexing questions.

The Government informed the Directors of their new regu-
lations,^ and the Directors approved of the limitation mentioned.^
Dr. Kerr's letter to the Archbishop was dated July 21, 1807.
It reached the India House in December, and was at once sent
to His Grace with a letter signed by Edward Parry and Charles
Grant, the Chairman and Deputy Chairman of the Company.^

1 Letter, Oct. 21, 1807, 817-19, Mil.

2 Despatch, April 25, 1810, 315, Mil.

^ India Office Records, Home Series, Misc. vol. 59.

RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS 303

Dr. Kerr informed the Archbishop of the existence of St.
Mary's Church. He said that the first Chaplain

' tried to assimilate the parish regulations at Madras as much
as possible to the usages in England. A Vestry was therefore
appointed &c. The authorities took an interest in its concerns
and attended it until about three years ago when the Vestry
had in its possession for charitable use about £25,000.

' Now a legal opinion has declared that Madras is no parish,
the inhabitants no Vestry, nor had they a right to hold funds ;
the clergy were merely Chaplains, neither Rectors nor Vicars ;
and the Church a private Chapel.

' On the declaration of these legal opinions I declined to
take any further responsibility on myself with regard to the
appropriation of public money, thus declared to be dispensed
in an illegal manner. I recommended to a meeting of the
inhabitants that the Supreme Court of Judicature at Madras
might be requested to appoint trustees for the management of
our funds.'

He added that this suggestion was adopted two years before,
that nothing had been done since, that the funds were locked
up, which was unfortunate, as the scarcity in the Carnatic had
greatly increased the number of poor in the last twenty-five
years .^

He asked for rehef , suggesting that Madras should be made
a parish, that the Ministers and Churchwardens and others
(either elected by vote or nominated by Government) should
be incorporated for the purpose of holding and administering
funds, and that the former acts of the Vestry should be
legalised.

As to baptism and marriage by laymen in the absence of a
lawful minister, he enclosed a copy of an opinion of Sir James
Macintosh, which ' if it be correct will produce many distressing
inconveniences.' He suggested a private Act of Parhament
legitimating the marriages performed by laymen, and asked for
guidance as to the future.

Dr. Kerr enclosed the opinion of the Advocate-General at

Dr. Kerr was still thinking of bis native Workhouse scheme, which was
at the bottom of all the dissension in the Vestry. See The Church in Madras,
1. 541-51.

304 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Madras,^ date November 20, 1804 ; also the opinion of Sir
James Macintosh on (1) the status of Chaplains ; (2) the St.
Mary's Yestry, Fort St. George; and (3) on the validity of certain
marriages. Tliis opinion is dated April 15, 1803.- He says :

' (a) The Chaplains of the factories abroad are subject to the
Archbishop of Canterbury.

' {h) A parish properly so called cannot exist in India. The
Vestry of ]\Iadras is a voluntary body, not corporate ; it
cannot sue nor be sued.

' (c) The marriage Act 26 George II, cap. 83, does not extend
to India. Marriages solemnised beyond the seas are expressly
excepted in section 18 of the Act. But I apprehend that the
law of England requires certain formalities to constitute a
valid marriage, I do not know that a marriage so solemnised
by a Layman was ever allowed to be vahd between English
subjects residing in any place to which the laws of England
extend. It is necessary, I think, that a clergyman should
officiate ; and it is at least in the highest degree fit that banns
should be proclaimed, and all those precautions taken which are
calculated to prevent fraud and surprises.

' Within the settlement of Madras I am of opinion that no
declaration made by parties before a layman can amount to
a marriage.'

The importance of the matters submitted to the judgment
of the Archbishops of Canterbury is unquestionable. What
advice His Grace gave or what steps he took cannot be known,
for there is no record of any reply. But there is some indirect
evidence that the Archbishop took some steps in the matter,
for in 1812 the Government of Madras issued an Order pre-
cluding laymen from celebrating marriages and baptisms. They
informed the Directors of this Order in their Public Letter of
March 5, 1813 y' but in their Military Letter of the same date^
they said :

' It has been our desire that the ceremonies of baptism and
marriage at the different stations of European troops should
cease to be performed by laymen in any instance ; but in the

' See The Church in Madras, i. 54.'5.

- India Office Records, Home Series, Misc., vol. 59.

^ Paras. 43, 44. ■* Paras. 165, 166.

THE' REV. R. H. KERR, SENIOR PRESIDENCY CHAPLAIN.

RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS 305

present state of the Ecclesiastical Establishment it has been
found impracticable to carry our intention into full effect, and
we have been obliged to modify the Order which we issued for
confining the discharge of these duties to the military Chaplains.
' It appears desirable to make a better provision for the
solemn duties of the Church, and that the present irregular
practice should not continue longer than necessary. So we
have asked the Senior Chaplain to state the number of clergy
who ought to be added to the establishment. We enclose his
[Mr. Vaughan's] reply and recommend the addition of six
more.'

In the margin of the letter are these references, which show
that there was a good deal of thought and consultation on the
subject before the Order of October 1812 was suspended,

1. Gov. Order, Oct. 23, 1812.

2. Consultations, Jan. 19 and 26, 1813.

3. G.O., Jan. 26, 1813.

4. Consultations, Feb. 5 and 9, 1813.

5. G.O., Feb. 9, 1813.

6. Consultations, Feb. 19 and 26, 1813.

In their reply i the Directors noted the contradiction of the
two letters, and accepted what the Government of Fort St.
George had done without comment.

The Government issued the order with good intentions in
October 1812, and on the recommendation of the military
authorities rescinded it in February 1813. There appeared to
the latter some reasons m morals why the old sj^stem should
be allowed to continue till it was rendered unnecessary by the
appointment of more Chaplains ; and there did not appear to
the Government any valid reason why it should not. The
Company's earliest Charter gave them complete power to
administer their affairs, and to appoint officials to rule over
their factories according to the ordinary rules of civilised
society. This had always been held to include the power of
civil marriage. The commanders of their ships had the power,
and occasionally exercised it. When the local Governments
delegated the power to their subordinate officials, they did so
in the belief that they were within their rights. The marriages

1 Despatch, June 3, 1814, 271, Public.

306 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

were certainly irregular, but their validity was covered by the
Charter rights of the Company.

In the year 1783 the Government ordered that all such
marriages were to be reported to the Chaplain of St. Mary's,
Fort St. George, for registration in a book to be kept for the
purpose.^ There is evidence, however, that many up-country
marriages were effected by Magistrates and Commanding Oificers
before that date. There is a letter in the ' Report of the Histor-
ical Manuscripts Commission ' ~ from Mr. Thomas Hughes to Sir
Llo3'd Kenyon dated Windsor, December 26, 1785, mentioning
that his sister was married at Ganjam in 1778 by the chief
local magistrate at a private house, and asking if the marriage
were legal for all purposes in England, as his sister had some
doubts about it. He added that there were many similar
marriages both before and at about the same time that the one
m question took place. No reply has been found, but the
letter indicates that the system was being pursued some time
before any registrations were made.

In the Marriage Register Book of St. Mark's, Bangalore,
the following entry shows that sometimes these civil marriages
were afterwards solemnised and blessed in Church :

' John Hughes and Elizabeth his wife were reunited in
matrimony this March 29, 1815, having been before so united
on board the Hon. Co.'s Ship Carnatic by the Captain of
the same ship, Archibald Swinton, May 16, 1811, the clerical
ceremony having been performed by me, W. Thomas, Chaplain.'

The old practice of giving poAvcr to legalise marriages to
certain lay ollicials in either civil or military or naval authority
has its counterpart in the universal practice of giving such
power to national representatives in foreign countries. Our
consuls abroad have had these powers for many a long year.

In India it did not long survive the advent of the Bishop
of Calcutta and the increase of the three establishments of
Chaplains. As soon as it was no longer necessary that the
civil and military ojQicers should possess such powers they were
withdrawn. But something just as irregular as far as the

> fSee Marriwjes at Fort St. George, by F. E. Penny, 1907.
' Appendix, part iv. C. 7571 of 1894.

RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS 307

letter of the law is concerned remained. The difiiculty of the
officiant was got over by increasing the estabhshment of
Chaplains. But it was hardly possible to build a Church in
every small station. Consequently the difficulty of the
licensed building remained. Many marriages between 1813
and 1863 were solemnised by Chaplains in the drawing-
rooms of magistrates without any special hcence. They were
irregular, but no one would venture to contend that they were
invalid.

The legal opinion of Sir. James Macintosh was without
doubt correct with regard to marriage in England. It was
based on the Clandestine Marriage Act of George II, but this
Act had no reference to India. Sir James was not the legal
adviser of the Hon. East India Company. If the Directors
had required legal advice on the matter they would have
referred to their own standing Counsel. The inference is
that the opinion was obtained by the Rev. Dr. Kerr for his
own purpose, which was the submission of the whole question
to the judgment of the Archbishop of Canterbury.

It is pleasing to be able to record some instances in which
the Chaplains, the local Government, and the Directors co-
operated for the spiritual, moral and intellectual good of the
British soldiers of the Madras army. It was highly advan-
tageous to the men when they were relieved of the necessity of
living in the bazaars, and were housed in commodious barracks
of their own. By degrees their surroundings and circumstances
were improved. In 1812 mess tables and benches were sanc-
tioned and introduced. Up to that time the men had been
accustomed to eat their meals seated on their cots. It was
probably an oversight that tables and benches were not pro-
vided when the barracks were built. But the men had not to
wait long after the omission became known.

The Directors had been for many years hberal in the supply
of Bibles and Prayer-books. In the year 1812 they despatched
144 of each for the use of the soldiers at the Presidency, and 520
of each for the use of soldiers at the out-garrisons, i.e. forty of
each kind for each of the military Chaplains.^ In fixing the
number they took as their guide the indents of 1803 and 1805.

1 Despatch, Oct. 28, 1812, 67, Mil.

X 2

308 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Li the year 1816 they sent out 400 Bibles in the Gaehc language
for the use of the Scotch soldiers ou the Madras establishment at
the request of the Eev. Dr. Ball, then stationed at St. Thomas'
Mount. 1 In the year 1827 they resolved ~ that the system
which prevailed in H.M.'s Service of furnishing a Bible and a
Prayer-book to every soldier who could read should be extended
to the European soldiers of their own regiments in India.
After this date the supplies of religious books were perhaps a
little more regular, but not more generous than they were
before the Directors imposed upon themselves the obligation of
supply.

Something more than religious Ijooks was, however, required.
A small number of the Company's civil and military officers were
highly intellectual men. They were inclined to study the
philosophies, the religions, the history, the fauna, the flora, and
generally speaking the productive possibilities of the country.
Such names as those of Sir W. Jones, Chambers, Anderson, Sir
Edward Colebrooke, Roxburgh, Jerdon, Harris, &c., suggest
study and research of the best kind. One can see from the
Government gazettes and the newspapers of the period that a
great number of books were imported into India at the end of
the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth century.
The literati of Bengal formed the Asiatic Society and published
the Asiatic Journal in the first decade of the century. Their
example was soon followed in Madras, where other literati
pursued similar studies. When Bishop Middleton made his
first visitation tour in the south in 1816, he found this literary
activity much in evidence in Madras itself, which seemed to be
w^ell supplied with good books of all kinds. But when he arrived
at Trichinopoly, the headquarters of the Southern Command,
there was neither a public library nor a private literary society.
He determined, therefore, to supply the literary need by
founding a local library of standard works in connection with
St. John's Church in the cantonment. His gift comprised
about 200 volumes of well-bound books on various philosophical,
scientific and theological subjects. The remnant of it is still in
existence, but many of the volumes have been lost.

» Despatch, Feb. 9, ISKi, 5, Public.
2 Despatch, July 25, 1827, 10, Mil.

RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS 309

The books were manifestly intended for the civil and military
officers of the station. On his return to Calcutta Bishop
Middleton pursued the scheme and extended it so as to
embrace the needs of the British soldier. After a time he
approached the Govern or- General of Bengal and put the
scheme before him. The Governor- General, when reporting
on the state of the regimental schools, took the opportunity of
suggesting that it would be advantageous to oljtain a certain
number of books adapted to the formation of soldiers' libraries.
The Directors considered the suggestion, and agreed that the
establishment of such libraries would have considerable influence
on the condition, conduct, and morals of the men ; they went
beyond the request, and with praiseworthy liberality directed
that seven sets of books, comprising fifty in each set, should
be sent to Bengal to form soldiers' libraries at the principal
stations of the army.

Some time afterwards the Directors wrote i to the Govern-
ment of Fort St. George suggesting the formation of similar
libraries in the chief military stations of the southern Presi-
dency. They informed the Government of what had been done
in Bengal, and sent a list of the fifty books recommended.
On receipt of this despatch the Governor in Council sent ~ the
suggestion with the list of books to the Commander-in-Chief
of the Madras army for his opinion and remarks.

After due inquiry the Commander-in-Chief replied : ^

' The European soldiery in India certainly require resources
and means of amusement and instruction more than those in
any other part of the globe.

' Much of their time is necessarily passed in the barracks
owing to the pernicious and destructive consequences of
exposure to the sun and the easy procurement of deleterious
liquors, if they are suffered to go abroad. Severe measures
are frequently resorted to to enforce obedience to this indis-
pensable regulation. If the men can be kept within the
prescribed limits without coercion, and if the means of rendering
their confinement less irksome can be found, nothing should be

1 Despatch, March 6, 1822, Mil.

- Sec. to Go\i;. to the Mil. Sec. C.-in-C, July 23, 1822.
•* Mil. Sec. to C.-in-C. to the Sec. to Govt., Jan. 16, 1824. [Bishop's Office
Records, Madras.] The C-in-C. was General Sir Alexander Campbell.

310 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

left untried to effect it. The question is how their health can
be watched on the one hand, and their idle liabits can be
resisted on the other.

' His Excellency considers that the establishment of small
libraries at the different stations is well adapted to answer
the desirable end. He is of opinion that they should be com-
posed of books calculated to afford amusement both to the
grave and the gay ; and that such expensive theological works
as those of Paley, and such abstruse ones as the " Homilies of
the Church of England " with a few others noted in the
Catalogue should be omitted, and that others better suited to the
capacities of the soldiers should be substituted.

' There can be but Uttle expectation of reclaiming the
habits of the old offenders by this or any other institution ;
but the future benefits arising from it may be important,
as it will afford opportunity to the well disposed and to the
young men on first joining their regiments to look for amuse-
ment and instruction at home. Most of them fall into the
habits of the bad from w^ant of occupation or employment ;
and this is the great if not the principal source of the evils
into which the soldiers are betrayed.'

The Commander-in-Chief proposed that the following
stations should each receive a set of books : Fort St. George,
St. Thomas' Mount, Wallajahbad, Poonamallee, Cuddalore,
Vizagapatam, Masulipatam, Bangalore, Triehinopoly, Secun-
derabad, Bellar^^ and Cannanore. He continued :

' At each of these stations there is a Chaplain, and as the
institution [i.e. the Library] is connected with the regimental
schools, from the reports of which it originated, and which it
is the duty of the Chaplains to visit occasionally, it ma}^ tend
to ensure all the good that can be expected from the establish-
ment, if the libraries were placed under the superintendence of
the Chaplains aided by a steady non-commissioned officer, to
wdiom a small allowance may be granted for the preservation
of the books.'

The list of books sent out l)y the Directors to Bengal was
as follows. It affords some proof of the high opinion the}^
entertained of the taste and the mental capacity of the British
soldiers in India.

RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS 311

1. Religious and Moral

A Family Bible. Harvey's Meditations.

Osterwald's Abridgement of Economy of Human Life.

the Bible. Cooper's Sermons.

Homilies of the Chm'ch of Sterne's Reflections.

England. Paley's Theological Works.

2. Histonj and Travel
Robertson's America. Goldsmith's Roman History.

Robertson's Scotland. Goldsmith's Grecian History.

History of England. Mayor's Voyages and Travels.

3. Natural History
Ray's Wisdom of Creation. Goldsmith's Animated Nature.

Abridgement of Buffon.

4. Poetry
Cowper's Poems. Crabbe's Poems.

Burns' Poems. Bloomfield's Poems.

5. Miscellaneous
British Plutarch. Joyce's Dialogues.

British Nepos. Adye's Pocket Gunner.

Life of Colonel Gardiner. Naval Chronicle.

Life of Peter the Great. Military Chronicle.

Hundred Wonders of the Elegant Extracts.

World. Military Library.

Goldsmith's Geography. Military Memoirs.

Gay's Fables. Battles and Stratagems of

Accounts of the Battle of War.

Waterloo. Military Mentor.

Spectator. Military Cabinet.

Class Book.

Letters from a General Officer to his son.

Historical Memoir of the Battle of Maida (1806).

Narrative of Recent Events in Ceylon.

Warner's Thoughts and Anecdotes.

Martial Achievements of Great Britain (1800-14).

Historical Sketch of the Campaign of 1851.

Life of Field-Marshal Blucher,

312 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

The Court of Directors intimated their intention to forward
from time to time such other hooks as might appear suitable
to the object in view, and they authorised the addition of some
Hindustani grammars and dictionaries.

The Government of Fort St. George and the Court of
Directors co-operated in a real effort to promote the health,
comfort, and happiness of the Europeans in their service.
Courts for fives and racquets were built at the principal
mihtary stations, and open-air plunge baths were constructed,
wherever a sufficiency of water was available, between the years
1810 and 1816.

Not less important than these efforts was the practical policy
pursued in iho matter of native education. The co-operation
of the authorities began in the southern Presidency in the
year 1785, when Mr. John Sullivan, the Pohtical Resident at
Tanjore, conceived the scheme of teaching English subjects in
English to the higher class of native youths.i This beginning
of imparting Enghsh ideas and principles preceded by some
years anything of the kind attempted in any other part of
India. The Directors sanctioned the scheme and supported it
liberally.

The venture answered all expectations ; at the beginning of
the nineteenth century the schools at Tanjore and Combaconum
enjoyed a good reputation. One of the Tranquebar mission-
aries. Dr. John, extended the system to other places in the
Carnatic and to Ceylon. The benefit of the teaching given was
recognised in high quarters, and the report of it not only reached
London but Calcutta as well. In 1816 the Hindu natives
of Calcutta subscribed over a lac of rupees, and founded a
college for Hindu youths which was known as the Vidyalaya.
In it were taught the English language, Sanscrit, Hindi, and
some of the sciences of the West. Within the next few years
schools were estabhshed in the Delhi districts by a Bengal
civilian, Mr. Eraser, at his own expense. Officers of the Bengal
Medical Service took an active part in promoting the educa-
tional cause. Dr. Gerard made a proposition to the Govern-
ment respecting the education of the hill people of Sabathu.
Dr. Lumsden acted as secretary of the Calcutta Madrissa for

' See The Church in Madra^f, i. 518.

RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS 313

Mahomedans. The success of the private efforts at Calcutta
and elsewhere, especially in the south of India, brought the
question of education to the front. It showed the real desire
of the natives to profit from Western teaching. Dr. Carey the
missionary was taking as much advantage of this desire in
Bengal as Dr. John in the south. So that by the year 1820 the
Government of Bengal began to stir in the matter. They
began, of course, by collecting information and digesting it.
Then in 1822 they appointed a General Committee of Instruc-
tion, and appropriated a lac of rupees for the promotion of the
cause. 1

The Court of Directors made no comment when they received
the Bengal letter conveying the intimation of this educational
grant. They waited till they received a further report showing
either the success or the failure of the effort. This arrived three
years later,^ and they replied the following year.^

The duty of the General Committee of Instruction was to
ascertain the state of public education at the time, and of the
public institutions designed for its promotion ; to consider and
submit to Government suggestions for the improvement of the
instruction of the people, for the introduction among them of
useful knowledge, and for the improvement of their moral
character.

The Directors reviewed their report almost sentence by
sentence, and said that it gave them great satisfaction. The
General Committee regarded their plan as experimental, and
reserved to themselves power to vary it in any way that ex-
perience might suggest. The teaching was entirely vernacular ;
' hereafter it may be desirable to provide the means of teaching
English and science . . . but at present it seems premature.'
The Directors agreed : ' Keep utility steadily in view,' they said ;
' don't introduce alterations more rapidly than a regard to the
feelings of the natives will prescribe ';...' a little skill and
address remove prejudices.' Towards the end of their despatch
they referred to the daily increasing demand for the employ-
ment of natives in the business of the country, and said ' the

' Letter from Bengal, July 30, 1823, 104-109, Rev.
- Letter from Bengal, Jan. 27, 1826, Public.
=* Despatch to Bengal, Sept. 5, 1827, Public.

314 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

first object of improved education should be to prepare a body
of individuals for discharging public duties.' They expressed
a hope that the education would ' contribute to raise the moral
character of those who, Sea. . . . and supply you with servants
to whose probity you may \nth increased confidence commit
oflices of trust. To this the last and highest object of education
we expect that a large share of your attention will be applied.'
They also hoped that discipline would be directed towards
raising ' that rational self-esteem which is the best security
against degrading vices, and creating habits of veracity and
fidelity.' ' We approve of your intention to avail yourselves
for the service of Government of the superior qualifications
which may be expected from a better education, and of making
appointment to office an encouragement to study and good
conduct.'

In one paragraph only did the Directors strike a wrong note.
They said : ' We trust you will be careful in the way of salaries
for teachers ; the more you can save in that way the more you
will have to apply for the wider extension of the benefit of
instruction.'

The colleges referred to in the report under review were
those at Calcutta, Agra, Benares, and Delhi. The pupils were
drawn from the superior and middle classes of the natives,
from which classes Government native agents were generally
drawn. The scheme did not include elementary education, nor
had it any reference to existing missionary schools. The idea
was to supply the need of education themselves, and to make
use of the educated native for their own purposes.

A second report of progress was sent home in 1829,^ and the
Directors replied in 1830.^ They expressed their great satis-
faction at the success of the measures taken, which (they said)
exceeded their most sanguine expectations. They sent expres-
sions of their warmest approbation, and agreed with the Bengal
Government that the higher classes of their Hindu and Maho-
medan suljjects were ripe for a still further extension among
them of English education in English subjects. At the Vidya-
laya College, established by natives themselves, there were 436

' Letter from Bengal, Aug. 21, 1829, Public.
- Despatch to Bengal, Sept, 29, 1830, Public.

RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS 315

students ; at the Madrissa, Calcutta, 78 ; at the Sanscrit College,
estabhshed at Calcutta for Hindu students, there were 176 ;
at Delhi, 199 ; and at Agra, 198. ' We learn with extreme
pleasure the opinion of the General Committee . . . that the
time has arrived when English tuition will be widely acceptable
to the natives in the Upper Provinces ;'...' of the spirit
which prevails in the Lower Provinces the establishment and
success of the Anglo-Indian college is sufficient evidence.'

The suggestion to estabhsh separate English colleges, that
is, for the study of English and the cultivation of European
knowledge through the medium of English, came through the
Committee of Public Instruction from the local Delhi Committee.
Their idea was that the teaching of science would be less likely
to conflict with the teaching of the sacred books of the Hindus
and Mahomedans, if it were taught in English. In order to
avoid any possible conflict they established English colleges
at Delhi and Benares. The Directors approved without even
asking what the expense was ; and added : ' It is of the greatest
importance to the native youth that means should be afforded
of cultivating the English language and literature, of acquiring
a knowledge of European science, and a famiharity with Euro-
pean ideas, in a higher degree than has yet been within their
power.' At the same time they warned the General Committee
not to underrate the importance of vernacular instruction.
They thought that the two courses of study, vernacular and
English, might be carried on in the same establishment, for the
reason that education in English could only be placed within
reach of the few. These few might as teachers or translators
contribute to the general extension of knowledge, and might
communicate ' that improved spirit, which it is to be hoped they
themselves will have imbibed from the influence of European
ideas and sentiments.'

Some of the money to establish these Government colleges
was given by native gentlemen of social position, and some
was given by the Government itself. The Directors cheerfully
sanctioned all that had been done, and promised supplies of
educational books. They pressed their own utilitarian views
of education by repeating them.

' The exertions you are now making are calculated to raise

316 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

up a class of persons qualified hj their intelligence and morality
for high employment in the civil administration of India.
As the means of bringing about this most desirable object
we rely chieliy on their becoming, through a familiarity with
European literature and science, imbued with the ideas and
feelings of civilised Europe. . . . We wish you to consider
this as our deliberate view of the scope and end to which all
your endeavours with respect to the education of the natives
should refer.'

The Directors concluded their despatch by ordering the
Government of Bengal to communicate all their educational
proceedings to the Governments of Fort St, George and Bombay,
as ' it is our wish that the establishments for native education
should be conducted on the same principles in all the Presi-
dencies.'

These extracts show that the Government scheme of educat-
ing some of the superior classes in India originated with certain
persons in India itself, and was not pressed upon the Directors
by public opinion at home. They also show the hearty agree-
ment of the Directors with the views of those in Bengal wdio set
the scheme on foot in that Presidency.

The practice of the Government of Fort St. George for nearly
forty years before the Bengal scheme was planned had been to
make substantial grants to the Sulhvan schools at Tanjore and
Combaconum under the superintendence of the Tanjore S.P.C.K.
missionaries, and to give occasional help to the mission schools
at Tricliinopoly and Madras. The Government took advantage
of the good results of the education given by the S.P.C.K.
missionaries, and made use of the well-educated men the schools
sent forth.

The proceedings of the General Committee of Instruction
in Bengal lietween the years 1823 and 1830 were not entirely
unknown in Madras, so that when the correspondence between
the Directors and Bengal was sent to Madras the Governor in
Council was prepared for it. It only remained to adopt the
new policy and to establish some purely Government institu-
tions. When the Government of Fort St. George made a grant
of Rs.5440 for the mission schools at Trichinopoly in 1829, they
informed the S.P.G. Committee in Madras that it was foreign

RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS 317

to the designs of the Government that mission schools should
be maintained at their expense or under their superintendence.^
This was the iirst intimation to the missionaries of a change of
policy.

The schools of the missionaries were efficient, and were
answering every purpose the Directors had in view. Under
these circumstances it did not seem necessary to bring the old
policy to a sudden end. It was therefore continued. Grants
were given to the missionaries for the secular teaching in their
schools ; and all superior schools that were efficient participated
in the grants given. The Eoman Catholic missionaries at
Madras obtained their first grant in 1836.'^ The system was
good in itself, and actually continued in force until 1842, when
the Government established a series of superior schools in the
mof ussil, and a central High School and College in the Presidency
town. When the new system was established the old one
with its various advantages was not forgotten. It was looked
back upon with regret, and in course of time it was reintroduced
with a scale of helpful grants-in-aid for all schools whose secular
teaching was sufficiently good to satisfy the requirements of the
Educational Department.

It only remains to mention how large a part in the education
of the young has been taken by the Chaplains and the mission-
aries in the territories ruled over by the Government of Fort St.
George from the time there were permanent Chaplains (1670)
and permanent missionaries (1726) until the present day.
Among the former -^ may be mentioned William Stevenson,
M.A. (afterwards Prebendary of Salisbury), founder of the St.
Mary's Vestry School ; Andrew Bell, D.D. (afterwards Canon
of Westminster), founder of the Military Male Orphan Asylum ;
Richard Hall Kerr, B.A., founder of the Male Asylum Press ;
Morgan Davis, founder of the Civil Orphan Asylums ; James
Hough, M.A. (the historian), founder of the Palamcottah C.M.S.
mission schools. And among the many eminent educational
missionaries may be mentioned the names of Schultz, Fabricius,
Schwartz, Pohle, Eottler, John, Noble, and G. H. Pope. These

1 Despatch to Madras, Sept. 15, 1830, 1, Public.

' Despatch, Aug. 30, 1837.

^ See The Church in Madras, vol. i.

318 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

lists only include a few who were in India before 1850. Many
of their successors in the latter half of the nineteenth century
were equally eminent and worthy of the highest praise for the
educational work they were able to acconi})lish.

The change of policy with regard to native education was
one of the causes which rendered it necessary to define the term
' native.' The other cause was the payment of the widows and
children of soldiers from the Olive Fund.^ The benefit of this
fund was for those whose paternal and maternal grandfathers
were of pure European blood. The children of native mothers
were excluded from it. The term ' native ' had been used for a
long time for anyone born in the country, whether of pure
European blood, mixed blood, or pure native blood. The
despatches of the Directors have many references to this use
of the term. In the year 1818 Mr. E. P. Lys was described as
a native, and permitted to return to India. ^ He was the son of
Europeans and was born in the country, his father being a
merchant in Madras. In 1822 Mr. Joseph Freeman Hazle-
wood was similarly described and permitted to return.^ His
parents were Europeans, and his father was an oflicer in the
Company's service. In 1824 and 1825 Mr. William Pollock,^
Mrs. H. Chambers,^ Mr. Charles Buchan ^' and several others are
referred to in the same way. In every succeeding year up to
1833 there are lists of Europeans permitted to return to India
who are described as natives of India.

In apportioning pensions from the Clive Fund the Military
Auditor General found it necessary that exact terms should be
used to denote different kinds of persons.

The matter was considered in Council, and a Government
Order was issued 7 directing that in future all marriage certifi-
cates of soldiers under the rank of commissioned officer should
specify the birth of the female, whether European, Indo-

' The first Lord Clive left a large fund for the payment of pensions to the
widows and children of the Company's European soldiers of all ranks.
- Despatch, March 4, 1818, 138, Public.
■i Despatch, Jan. 9, 1822, Public.
■' Despatch, Nov. 10, 1824, 9, Public.
» Despatch, March 23, 1825, Public.
•5 Despatch, July 13, 1825, 8, Public.
^ G.O., Sept. 11, 1829.

RELIGIOUS AND EDUCATIONAL PROGRESS 319

Briton, or native. Archdeacon Robinson communicated the
order to all the Chaplains and mentioned that much incon-
venience had arisen, and the payment of widows' pensions
endangered by incorrect statements in the certificates.

By this order the domiciled Eurasian community obtained
a certain advantage. They were released from the old custom
which described them as natives, and enabled without question
to enjoy the benefit of the Clive bequest. But at the same time
they were precluded from enjoying the benefit of the new native
education grants. The community petitioned in 1847 for a
share in the grant, and the reply given was that such as are
natives of India can already benefit by the use of the seminaries
already founded. For such as did not come strictly under
that denomination the funds were not intended. This was
understood to mean that if they liked to be regarded as natives
the seminaries were open to them, but the Clive fund was not.
But if they repudiated the status of native, the Clive fund was
open to them but the seminaries were not. They could not
have the advantage both ways. In the present day they are
not excluded from the Government schools and colleges, but
they have a very great disinclination to join them.

CHAPTER XVII

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1825 AND 1835

St. Stephen s, Ootacamund. — History. Building of the Church. Its dedication
and consecration. Plan and cost. First Chaplains. Enlargement.
Ventilation. Chancel. Windows. Furniture. Memorials. Schools.

St. Bartholomew' s, Mysore. — History. Consecration of the site. Building of
the Church. The Wesleyan missionaries and the use of the building. The
French Rocks chapel. The first Chaplains of Mysore. The Mysore Church
handed over to the Government and consecrated. Refurnishing in 1871.
Memorial tablets.

Central Provinces. — History. Christ Church, Mhow. Christ Church, Kamp-
tee. Its foimdations. Bell. Altar vessels. St. Peter's, Sangor. Christ
Church, Jubbulpore. Hoshangabad. All Saints', Nagpore. The early
Madras Chaplains. Origin of Bengal ill-will towards Madras. Protection
of the burial-grounds. Nagpore separated from Kamptee. The early
Nagpore Chaplains.

St. Stephen's, Ootacamund. — It is scarcely necessary to
describe Ootacamund ; so many travellers and visitors and
sportsmen have done so already. Lord Macaulay, Lady
Canning, and even the matter-of-fact official compiler of the
' District Manual ' have expressed their enthusiasm about the
climate, the scenery, and the sport. There is nothing more to
be said, it only remains to enjoy.

The Nilgiris, or Blue Mountains, were in the territory of
the ruler of Mysore. Both Hyder Ali and Tippu Sultan had
posts of observation on various spurs of the hills for their own
offensive and defensive purposes. Some overlooked the plains
on the west, one at least overlooked the Coimbatore valley
southwards. All movements on the plains could be discerned
and anticipated ; there was no getting to the hills till this
hostile power was crushed.

In the year 1818 two young civilians from Coimbatore
climbed the ghaut and had a look round. The nature of the

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1825 AND 1835 321

report they made we can imagine. In the following year Mr.
John SiiHivan, the Collector and Chief Magistrate, went to see
for himself. He reached the site of Ootacamund and built a
small house on what is still known as Stonehouse Hill. During
the next eight years there was much talk on the plains about
the new discovery of a temperate climate 350 miles from
Madras, and there were many expeditions to verify it. At the
end of that time, namely the year 1827, when the Right Hon.
Stephen Rumbold Lushington became Governor of Port St.
George, Ootacamund was formally recognised as the sanatorium
of the Presidency. It is 7000 feet above sea level ; it consists of
square miles of undulating downs of grass, surrounded by four
great hills all under snow range.^ The possibilities of invigorat-
ing air and outdoor exercise in a climate which enables flowers
of a temperate region to grow in profusion all the year round
were beyond calculation. The Governor did the right thing
when he assisted in the opening out of the hills himself.

It was not long before there was a rush to enjoy the newly
discovered boon. Some went just for an ordinary rest and
change ; some went to recover from sickness ; some went who
were sick unto death. It was manifestly a place where both
a Chaplain and a Church were required. The Governor saw
the need in 1829 ; without waiting for the previous permission
of the Directors he laid the foundation-stone of the future
Church, and in consultation with the Members of Council
sanctioned the estimated cost of it.

The foundation-stone records that it was laid on St. George's
Day, 1829 ; that the Church was j&nished and opened for divine
service on Easter Day, 1831, and that Captain J, J. Underwood
of the Madras Engineers was the architect. Shortly before
it was completely finished and furnished Bishop Turner of
Calcutta visited the station, and advantage was taken of his
presence to have the building consecrated. The foundation-
stone records that the Church was solemnly set apart for the
service of Almighty God on December 5, 1830. It was dedi-
cated to God in honour of St. Stephen. It was generally under-
stood locally that this particular choice of a patron saint
involved an inoffensive reference to the founder.

' One of them, Dodabetta, is 8762 feet high.

322 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

It is not possible to say that the designs were good. The
ground plan gave a long narrow nave, 63 X 20 x 20 feet, with
a long narrow aisle on each side 68 X 8| X 16-| feet. West of
tlie nave was the tower 14 X 14 X 48 feet, and west of that
was the porch 14 x 16 feet. So that there was a total length
of 91 feet and a total breadth of 37 feet. The congregation
erected the organ loft at the west end of the nave and
purchased the organ. There is no record that they supplied
any of the furniture. The accommodation was for 338 persons,
and the cost was Rs.30,562.^

A year after the opening of the Church the Government
of Madras wrote to the Directors informing them of the building
and consecration of it,2 and the appointment of a Chaplain to
serve it. The Dii-ectors were not pleased. Indeed they began
their reply, ' We much disapprove,' &c.3 They complained that
although the Governor in Council had determined in 1829 to
authorise the erection of the Church, yet no communication
whatever had been made to them on the subject till 1832, long
after the building had been finished. They also complained
that the Governor had stated in his minute of January 22, 1830,
that the building was to be erected at the joint expense of the
Company and the C.M.S., aided by private subscriptions, at an
estimated cost of Es.8000 ; and that they now learned that the
whole expense had been borne by the Company, and that it had
exceeded Es.24,000. They blamed the Engineer for exceeding
his estimates, and they blamed the Government for building
without obtaining their approval.

The first Chaplain was the Rev. William Sawyer. He was
permitted by the Government to act as Chaplain to the Bishop
of Calcutta during his tour, and he accompanied the Bishop
to Ootacamund in December 1830. Having already worked in
the country on the plains for eight years, he needed the kind of
change which the hills afforded, and the Bishop recommended
that he should be appointed Chaplain of Ootacamund. This
was done, and Bishop Turner left him in charge. Sawyer did

' Cmmltations, June 21, 1831, 1-4, Eccl. The 1852 Official Return of
Churches says the cost was Rs.24,864.
-' Letter, April 24, 1832, G-8. Eccl.
=* Despatch, Feb. 20, 1833, 10-16, Eccl.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1825 AND 1835 323

all a sick man could, but he died on January 7, 1832, and was
buried in the churchyard.

The Government reported his death,' and the temporary
appointment of the Eev. J. B. Morewood to the post on Es.70 a
month. Morewood was an ordained missionary of the C.M.S.,
and was in charge of that Society's mission on the Nilgn-is.
They also mentioned that Captain Underwood's Ijill for laying
out the churchyard as a burial-ground amounted to Rs.583.
The Directors had no objection to Morewood's appointment,^
but the mention of Underwood's name roused afresh their
resentment, and they passed his bill with renewed censure.

Morewood acted as Chaplain from 1832 to 1836. Then the
Rev. H. W. Stuart in the Company's Service was appointed,
and he retained the post for seven years. In 1843 it was made
a two years' appointment, so that more of the Chaplains might
enjoy the benefit of a change to the hill station. Among the
Chaplains have been Archdeacons Harper, Dealtry, Drury,
Warlow, Elwes, and Williams ; •"» such excellent men as Trevor,*
Lugard, Pettigrew, Gilbert Cooper, and Pigot James were
Chaplains without having risen to the rank and office of Arch-
deacons.

In the year 1845 the Rev. Edward Whitehead was officiating
at St. Stephen's. One of the Lay Trustees, Captain Moore,
complained to the Bishop of the teaching in one of Whitehead's
sermons. The Bishop investigated the case and sent all the
papers to the Government with his remarks. The Governor in
Council ruled that Captain Moore's criticism was not justified,
and added ' that it was incumbent on him to avoid in future all
similar differences and collisions with the reverend Clergy.'
The Directors were asked to express an opinion on the matter,
and approved of what the Government had done.^ The
incident is only of importance as showing how the local Govern-
ment almost invariably treat the disputes and complaints of
officers in the Service ; they patiently hear and determine them.

' Letter, Oct. 2, 1832, 3, 4, Eccl.
- Despatch, Oct. 9, 1833, 9, 10, Eccl.
3 The Right Rev. A. A. Williams, Bishop of TinneveUy.
* Afterwards Canon of York,

^ Letter, Dec. 23, 1845, 2-6, Eccl. ; Despatch, March 10, 1847, 44, Eccl.

Y 2

324 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

St. Stephen's was not a military Church. The Government
pursued the regular policy of keeping it in repair, but if any
addition or improvement or alteration were required they
looked to the congregation to find a considerable portion of the
expense. In 1851 the European pojiulation of the station had
increased so greatly that the Church Committee found it
necessary to enlarge the building. The enlargement cost
Es.3000 : the Government gave Rs.l200 towards the amount.^
At the same time the congregation purchased a clock and bell
for the tower, and the Government remitted the import duty.
They had recently approved of the principle of giving assistance
to the efforts made by private individuals for the erection of
Churches, and they pointed out that the principle was equally
api)licable to the extension of accommodation and the provision
of furniture.

In 1858 the necessity of better ventilation arose. The
Church Committee contended that the need of it was due
entirely to the faultiness of the original design. On this
ground the Government paid the cost of the necessary altera-
tion.- In 1887 the same difficulty arose, and the Government
again tried to solve it without raising the height of the roof
of the nave.2 In 1899 it was clear to everyone that no ven-
tilating plan was of much practical use which did not include
the raising of the roof. To do this and to build two new
vestries would cost nearly Rs.7500. The Government agreed
to pay Es.3500 if the congregation found the rest of the
money.-* In this way the ventilation was finally perfected.

There was no chancel before 1876. In that year Mrs. Mclvor
built a chancel to the memory of her husband, and adorned the
Church with five stained- glass windows. Beside these there
is a window which was presented by Colonel W. Hughes Hallet
in memory of his wife, and two others erected in 1893, one in
memory of William and Ann Higgins by their friends, and one
in memory of Mrs. Wentworth Watson.

There are few Churches in India which have received so

1 Letter, Nov. 11, 1851, Eccl. ; Despatch, July 1, 1852, 2, 3, Eccl.

"- G.O., July 20, 1858, 241, Eccl.

3 G.O., May 11, 1887, No. 1286, Works.

* CO., June 29, 1899, No. 77, Eccl.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1825 AND 1835 325

many handsome memorial gifts, some from individuals and
some from the congregation as a body. The carved litany
desk and the service books were the gift of Sir Henry Bliss
in memory of his wife. The altar-rail kneeler was given by
Mrs. Mclvor. Colonel and Mrs. Liardet gave the curtains,
Lady Price the frontals, and the Sisters of the Church gave a set
of stoles. The congregation gave the tubular bells and the
chiming apparatus, the rich sanctuary carpet, the reredos, the
standard lights, and the organ. The consequence of all this
goodwill is that there is no Church in the diocese, with the
possible exception of the Cathedral, which is so well appointed.

There are some interesting memorial tablets on the walls
of the building. One is to the memory of Lady Harriet
Eumbold. She was the daughter and co-heiress of Lord
Eainclift'e, and the wife of Sir William Eumbold, Bart., who
was the grandson of Sir Thomas Eumbold, Bart., Governor of
Fort St. George in 1778. Another is in memory of Mrs. Caroline
Elizabeth Havelock, the widow of Lieut. -Colonel Wilham
Havelock, K.H., who commanded the 14th Light Dragoons in
1848, and led the regiment when it made its historic charge on
the Sikh army at Eamnugger, himself being killed. The
tablet was erected by their third son. Sir Arthur Havelock,
G.C.S.I., &c., Governor of Fort St. George from 1895 to 1900.^
Among those whose bodies rest in the churchyard are Major
Eobertson, the friend of Colonel Welsh,- William Sawyer, the
first Chaplain, and many well-known civil and militarj'- officers
who helped in the past to make Madras history. The names of
Oakes, Gough, Wahab, Casamajor, Hay, Harington, Wedder-
burn, Breeks, Oucherlony, and Babington suggest deeds and
events of more or less importance to the Indian historian.

St. Stephen's churchj-ard was closed as a place of burial
when the newer churchyard of St. Thomas was laid out and
consecrated.

Within a short time of the occupation of the station
European soldier pensioners were attracted to it, and it
became necessary for the Chaplain to establish a school for
their children. The opening of the Breeks Memorial High

' J. J. Cotton's Monumental Inscriptions.
- Welsh's Reminiscences, ii. 215.

326 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

School in 1876 provided for the education of the boys of the
district, and the St. Stephen's School became one for girls
only. The Breeks school commemorated the Commissionship
of Mr. James Wilkinson Breeks, who was private secretary
and son-in-law of Sir William Denison, Governor of Fort
St. George. The school was vested in four trustees, of whorn
the Chaplain was one. The Bishop of Madras was Patron
and Visitor. The Chajjlain was the responsible Manager and
gave rehgious instruction to the Christian boys of the school.
It was not intended for Europeans and Eurasians only, but
for respectable natives as well.

The Sisters of the Church established a high-class school
for girls at Ootacamund in 1893. The educational oppor-
tunities of the place are therefore good.

St. Bartholomew's, Mysore. — Mysore was the ancient dynastic
capital of the Hindu Maharajahs of Mysore. It was superseded
at the beginning of the seventeenth century by Seringapatam.
Hyder Ali, the Mahomedan soldier of fortune, when he set
aside the reigning family and took their place, retained Seringa-
patam as his capital. His son Tippu demolished the fort of
the old capital and carried away the material to build a fort
elsewhere for his own military purposes. On the fall of Seringa-
patam in 1799 it was decided, partly for sanitary reasons and
partly because of the Mahomedan traditions which had
gathered round the place, to abandon Seringapatam as a royal
residence and to restore the old glory of Mysore. Accordingly
the stones which had been removed by Tippu were brought
back, the fort was rebuilt, and a new palace was erected by
Captain de Havilland in 1805. Among the many public and
private buildings which were erected at the same time was an
imposing house for the Political Resident, Sir John Malcolm.

The British force for the protection of the restored Maha-
rajah and his State was concentrated at Seringapatam. But
there was a small military detachment at ]\Iysore for the protec-
tion of the Resident. The officers of the Detachment and the
civil officials under the orders of the Resident made a small
European community in the Mysore capital. This state of
affairs continued till the year 1830. By that time the European
community began to feel the need of a Church. The necessary

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1825 AND 1835 327

leader was at hand in the person of Mr. Francis Lewis. He
died in 1861. In the Church is a tablet to his memory, which
was erected by his widow and children. It is described as
' a monument of his pious and indefatigable zeal ; feeling the
need of a Christian sanctuary in this place, and impelled by a
desire of promoting the glory of God, he began the good work,
which by the aid and co-operation of Christian friends he was
enabled to bring to a happy termination.' Bishop Turner
of Calcutta included Mysore in his tour of inspection at the
close of the year 1830. The ground for the intended Church
was marked out, and the Bishop consecrated the ground on
November 29.

Owing to his extravagance and bad government the Maha-
rajah was deprived of power in 1831, and a commission of
officers under Colonel Sir Mark Cubbon was appointed to
administer the affairs of the State. This increased the number
of Europeans in the station, so that the building of the Church
was a less difficult matter than it would have been under
previous circumstances. Mysore was not a military station,
nor had it a resident Chaplain ; the Government could not
therefore under their rules give any assistance. The resident
civil and military officers built for themselves at their own
expense. The building was completed in 1832. It measured
57 X 37 X 19 feet, having a nave and two side aisles. The
cost of it was Rs.3500,1 and the accommodation was for 110
persons. Soon after its completion one of the two Chaplains
at Bangalore Avas ordered to pay a quarterly visit to Mysore ;
this arrangement continued till the year 1858.

There was at Mysore at the time of the building of the Church
a flourishing Wesleyan Mission. The work of the missionaries
was the preaching of the Gospel to the natives. They them-
selves were simple God-fearing men, who were much respected
by the European officials. They had no fault to find with the
liturgy of the Church, no marked political views, no difference
of opinion with Church people about religious education. It
was too near to the time of Charles Wesley for them to have
separated in any great degree from the Church of their fathers.
It was quite in accordance with what was esteemed to be the

' Official Return of Churches, 1852.

328 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

fitness of things that these Wesley an missionaries should be
asked to conduct the services of the new Church in the absence
of the visiting Chaplain. This arrangement continued for
fifteen years.

Li the 3-ear 1847 they assumed more power than the Euro-
pean community at Mysore had conferred upon them. The
Chaplains at Bangalore were appealed to, and they in turn
inquired of Archdeacon Shortland as to whether the building
was a Church of England building or not. The Archdeacon
replied that it was ; he enclosed a copy of the deed of consecra-
tion of the ground on which it stood, and a memorandum of
the proceedmgs of the consecration dated November 29, 1830.1
The deed was signed by the British Resident in Mysore and
fifteen other Europeans. The Wesleyan missionaries were
not satisfied. They appear to have thought that they had some
proprietary rights in the building. In June 1848 the Lay Trustee
reported to the Chaplains at Bangalore that one of the mission-
aries had ' forcibly altered the position of the pulpit ' ; that he
had therefore fixed it in the position ordered by the Chaplains,
and that the Wesleyan missionaries had consequently declined to
ofiiciate. He asked if it were allowable for a lay member of the
Church to read the service between the Chaplain's periodical visits.

The question was submitted to Archdeacon Shortland, who
praised the Lay Trustee and recommended that the services
should always be conducted at Mysore by a layman of the
Church. He attributed the disorder which had arisen to a
' compromise of the Church's principles by allowing the
Methodist preachers to officiate at all.' On the receipt of this
letter it was decided at Mysore at a meeting of the Church
Committee to ask the Commandant, Major Codrington, to
arrange for the services between the visits of the Chaplains.

Seven miles from Mysore is the cantonment known as
French Rocks. Here a native infantry regiment had been
quartered from the year 1830, when Seringapatam was given
up, by reason of its unhealthiness, as a military station. In
the year 1840 the officers of the 2nd M.N.I, built a chapel,
where they could have divine service. It cost Es.515. As they
did not want it on any day except Sunday they allowed the

' The \\hole correspondence is in the File Book of St. Mark's, Bangalore.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1825 AND 1835 329

Wesleyan missionary to use it for his school purposes on the
other days of the week, and they placed it in his charge. When
the 2nd M.N.I, had left the station the missionary appears
to have persuaded himself that the building was handed over
to him in fee simple, and he gave it in trust to six Wesleyan
missionaries, one of whom was John Garrett, to be held by
them for the Wesleyan Missionary Society.

^Vhen the Chaplains from Bangalore visited French Kocks
they had to borrow this building for the services of the Church.
The intention of the officers of the 2nd M.N.I, was that they
should use it as of right, but there is no doubt that they ex-
pressed their intention badly. In 1849 the Archdeacon was
appealed to. He knew nothing about it.i An attempt was
made to purchase the building, and the Archdeacon offered on
the part of the S.P.C.K. (London) £50 towards the expense, and
a set of service books. The attempt failed, and the Bangalore
Chaplains began to collect money to build a chapel of their
own. The Archdeacon wrote ^ expressing sympathy with their
intention, and promised £50 from S.P.C.K. funds as soon as
the property was transferred to the Bishop and Archdeacon in
trust. In September 1851 the Bangalore Chaplains applied to
the acting Archdeacon for the promised grant, but the promise
was subject to the condition that the building was finished
and placed in trust ownership. While these negotiations were
going on John Garrett had begun to make inquiries, and he
came to the right conclusion that the building had never been
handed over to the Wesleyan Missionary Society by the officers
who built it. However he had possession, and was evidently
anxious to do what was right. He therefore executed a deed
conveying the school chapel in trust to the Bishop and Arch-
deacon on condition ' that evangelical protestant missionaries,
who are willing to use the Church liturg}^ shall not be excluded
from performing divine worship in it, when not being used
by the Chaplain, and when required to do so by the commandant
of the station.' •"

' Archdeacon's letter, Dec. 17, 1849, at St. Mark's, Bangalore.

- Archdeacon's letter, March 10, 1851, at St. Mark's, Bangalore.

^ The building was transferred to the Government in 1863. G.O., March 4
and 27, 1863, Eccl. In this Order it is stated that it was originally built by
the Wesleyan Mission ; but this statement is not correct.

330 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

There were several small communities of Europeans in
the State of Mysore beside that at French Rocks. The}^ were
visited and ministered to by the Bangalore Chaplains until
1858, when a separate Chaplain was assigned to Mysore and
its out-stations. The Rev. W. W. Gilbert Cooper was the first
Chaplain. In 1861 he was succeeded by the Rev. S. A. Godfrey,
a Eurasian clergj-man who had been educated at Bishop's
College, Calcutta, and ordained by Bishop Spencer of Madras.
He officiated at Mysore from 1861 to 1866.

During his tenure of office there was a local desire that the
Mysore Church should be transferred to the Government.
The officers of the Mysore Commission considered that they
had a right to the ministrations of one of the Service Chaplains,
and they thought that their chance of getting one would be
improved if their Church were the trust property of the Govern-
ment. Accordingly in 1864 a special meeting of the Vestry was
held, and it was resolved to carry the transfer into effect. No
difficulty was apprehended. The resolution noted that the
building was unquestionably the property of the Church of
England ; that it was built by members of the Church of England
for themselves on ground given to them for the purpose by
H.H. the Maharajah ; that the ground was solemnly set apart
and consecrated by Bishop Turner of Calcutta ; and that the
repairs and expenses had been borne from the beginning by the
Church of England community.^ The Government of Madras
and the Government of India approved of the transfer, and the
Church was placed on the list of those to be kept in repair by
the Department of Public Works.^ From that time a Chaplain
has been stationed at Mysore. In 1865 Bishop Gell of Madras
consecrated the Church and dedicated it to the service of God
in honour of St. Bartholomew.

One of the duties of the Mysore Chaplain was to visit French
Rocks once a month. The Rev. J. W. Wynch was appointed
to Mysore in 1869. He found that the French Rocks chapel
was unfurnished. It had been the custom up to that time to
get chairs, &c., from the regimental mess when services were

' Mysore Vestry Minute Book, 18G4.

2 CO., Nov. 15, 1864, No. .5480, Home Dept. ; CO., Aug. 10, 18G5,
No. 205, Home Dept. ; CO., Nov. 21, 1868, No. 243, Eccl.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1825 AND 1835 331

held. With the co-ojuTatioii of the Government and the
officers of the 30th M.N. I., he furnished the building. He made
a raised sanctuary with a step for the use of communicants ;
he put in an altar, vested it worthily and adorned it in the usual
way ; he purchased an old ship's bell in Madras, a bell that had
been recovered from a wreck on the coast, and attached it to
the building ; and he made the interior more like a place of
worship than it had ever been before. The Government paid
a portion of the total expense.^

At Mysore also Mr. Wynch was instrumental in improving
the appearance of St. Bartholomew's in the same kind of way ;
the altar, the font, the lectern, the carved teakwood screens,
and the altar ornaments were all due to him and a small band
of like-minded workers, chief among whom was Colonel Malle-
son, the young Maharajah's guardian.

The rendition of the Mysore State to the Maharajah took
place in 1881. The Commission came to an end, the native
regiment was withdrawn from French Kocks, but the Maharajah
wisely kept some British officers of experience in his service.
There was not quite the same need for a Chaplain as there was
before, nor was there at Mercara, eighty miles away in the
Coorg District. An arrangement was therefore made by which
Mysore, Mercara, and several small stations shared a Chaplain
between them.

Besides the tablet in the Church already mentioned there
is one to the memory of Lieut.-Colonel T. M. McHutchin (1873),
one to the memory of Lieut.-Colonel A. H. Macintire (1897), both
erected by their brother officers and friends ; and one to the
memory of a gracious lady, Mrs. Mary Eden Benson (1895),
who endeared herself to a large circle of friends of all classes in
Mysore by ' her loving, unselhsh and sympathetic life.' By
them the tablet was erected.

The Central Provinces. — The territories which have been
known by this designation since 1860 were part of the Moghul
empire up to 1743. Then the Mahrattas took possession of
them and divided them among themselves. In 1803 Scindiah
of Gwalior and the Eajah of Berar combined against the East
India Company. Nagpore was then the capital of Berar.

' CO., July 12, 1871, No. 117, Eccl.

332 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

The confederacy was defeated by General Wellesley and the
troops under his command ; these belonged to the Madras
army. This was the original connection between the Madras
Government and the Central Provinces.

In 1 SI 6 the reigning Rajah of Nagpore appointed a regent
named Moodajee, generally known as Appa Sahib. Moodajee
entered into a treaty with the Governor-General, by w^hich
the Eajah agreed to receive a permanent Subsidiary Force for
his protection in return for a fixed payment. He then changed
his mind. He caused the Rajah to be strangled, combined with
other Mahratta chiefs against the British, and attacked the
Subsidiary Force on the hills of Seetabuldee between the town
of Nagpore and the Residency. After two defeats Moodajee
Hed, and order was re-established. The fighting was severe,
for Moodajee had with him a large number of trained Mahratta
and Arab troops.^

After the second Mahratta war, brigades were stationed at
Jaulnah, just outside Berar ; at Kamptee, ten miles from Nag-
pore ; and at Mhow, near Holkar's capital of Indore. Later on
the headquarters of the two brigades at Mhow and Kamptee
were established at Saugor, and later on at Jubbulpore. In
1822 the Madras troops at Kamptee were relieved by Bengal
troops. The Resident at Nagpore wrote to Colonel Hopeton
Scott eulogising the force under his command.^ Two years
later Kamptee was again made a station for Madras troops,
and it became a first-class command.

Christ Church, Mhow. — According to the Official Return of
Churches in the Presidency of Madras dated 1852 the Church
at Mhow was built by the Government of Fort St. George in
1826 and enlarged in 1840. It measured 66 x 45 X 21 feet,
had sittings for 280 persons, and cost Rs. 24,669. It is quite
certain, however, that no Chaplain on the Madras establish-
ment was ever permanently stationed there. The last time
repairs were carried out at the expense of the Government of
Madras was in ISSS."^

Christ Church, Karnj)tee. — The next Church to be built

' Wilson's Hialory of the Madras Army, iv. 35-55.
- Wilson's History oj the Madras Army, iv. 215.
•* Consvltations, April 1, 1853, No. IG, Public.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1825 AND 1835 333

was at Kamptee. The Directors sanctioned its erection in
1828, but it was not taken in hand until 1831. There was a
difficulty about the foundations, for the soil at Kamptee is
black cotton soil. The dimensions of the Church are 120 X 60
X 24 feet ; the accommodation is for 800 persons ; Lieutenant
Douglas of the Madras Engineers was the architect ; the cost
was Es.43,679 ; and it was completed in 1832.1 Before the
Church was completed services must have been held in some
barrack building set apart for the purpose ; for in 1880
Archdeacon Robinson applied to Government for the allow-
ances of a first-class Church, which means that the usual four
or five native servants were necessary to keep the building clean
and safe. According to rule, however, the grant could not be
sanctioned till the real Church building was completed and in
use.'^

The completion report did not arrive in Madras until too
late for the homeward ships of 1832. It was sent in 1833, and
the Directors received it at the end of that year.^ It was five
years after they had sanctioned it, and they had forgotten all
about it. They were not pleased that the Church had been
erected without having the style, dimensions, and plan sub-
mitted to them, but they trusted that ' there were grounds to
justify the expenditure,' and said no more about it.'^

The burial-grounds at all the out-garrisons were left un-
provided with enclosing walls until the middle of the nineteenth
century. Kamptee was no exception. Its burial-ground
was surrounded by a hedge in 1834, and the Government
thought this quite sufficient as a protection.'"^

The Church had scarcely stood for ten years when the
treacherous nature of black cotton soil as a foundation began
to show itself.''' Tlie engineer found it necessary to build
heavy buttresses on both sides of the building in 1841. These

1 Consiiltafions, Jan. 15, 1828, 1, 2, Eccl. ; Official Return of Churches, 1852.

- Archdeacon's Application, April 17, 1830; referred to Civil Auditor,
June 10, 1831 ; Letter, July 31, 1832, 1, Eccl. ; Despatch, Oct. 9, 1833, 2,
Eccl.

s Letter, June 21, 1833, 1, 2, Eccl.

•» Despatch, May 21, 1834, 7, 8, Eccl.

s Letter, May 27, 1834, 3, 4, Eccl. ; Despatch, March 18, 1835, 17, Eccl.

6 Consultations, March 8, 1842, 1, 2, Eccl. ; Feb. 6, 1844, 5, Eccl.

334 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

have effectually prevented its collapse up to the present time.
The Directors were angry. ^ They said : * We agree with Mr.
Lusliington that these perpetual repairs of Churches, bridges,
and buildings do not appear very creditable to the Engineers'
Department.' But neither they nor Mr. Lushington had any
experience of trying to eiect l)uildings in a l)lack cotton soil
country.

In 1848 Archdeacon Shortland applied to the Government
for a bell for the Church at Kamptee. The reply was that a
belfry would be built if the congregation paid for the bell.
The question was kept alive during the next three years. In
1851 the Directors sanctioned bells ' for Church of England
places of worship where Divine Service is habitually conducted
by a Chaplain in the service of the Company.' And the conten-
tion came to an end by the erection of both bell and belfry at
Kamptee and elsewhere.^ The soldiers got their punkahs in
1855.-

The Directors had been accustomed for man}^ years to
pro\dde the garrison Churches with sets of altar vessels. These
were of silver, handsome and heavy, made in the city of London,
and engi-aved with the arms of the East India Company. It
must needs be added that the vessels were somewhat cumbrous,
and that the makers did not quite understand what is required
in such vessels. But because of their handsome character
the Chaplains have as a rule retained them in use, in spite of
their inconvenience. In 1858 permission was sought by the
Chaplain of Kamptee to have the old vessels melted down at
the Mint in order that a new and more convenient set might
be provided.' Many will agree that both the request and the
subsequent sanction to do this were ill-advised, even though
the Directors approved of the step.

The Chaplain appointed to Kamptee was regarded as the
Chaplain of the Nagpore and Nerbudda Province. His duty
was to visit the various civil and military stations round about ;

» Letter, April 19, 1842, 2, 3, 4, Eccl. ; Despatch, March 19, 1844, 12, Eecl.

- Letter, May 9, 1848, 2-4, Eccl. ; Despatch, July 16, 1851, 17, Eccl. ;
Letters, Nov. 11, 1851, 8, Eccl., and Feb. 9, 1854, 21-25, Eccl. ; Despatches,
March 2, 1858, 17, Eccl., and Aug. 29, 1855, 36, Eccl.

3 Letter, July 6. 1855, 9, Eccl. ; Despatch, July 23, 1856, Eccl.

^ Letter, Feb. IG, 1858, 6-8, Eccl. ; Despatch. Sept. 29, 1858, No. 1, Eccl.

— ,

•ojD

t4_

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1825 AND 1835 335

namely Saugor, Mhow, Jubbulpore, Hoshangabad, and Seeta-
buldee (as the station of Nagpore was called). The first two
were over 100 miles distant. Travelhng by bullock coach is
graphically described ^ by the Rev. S. T. Pettigrew, as it was
between 1856 and 1863. The first Chaplain appointed was
the Rev. E. P. Lewis, who was at Kamptee from 1825-27. He
was succeeded by the Rev. Christopher Jeaffreson, who saw
the building and furnishing of the Church in 1881-32, and
remained at the station till 1838. The succeeding Chaplains
who were resident in the station long enough to exercise more
than a little influence in the place were :

The Rev. John McEvoy . . . 1843-51

The Rev. Alfred Kinloch . . . 1852-57

The Rev. S. T. Pettigrew . . . 1857-63

The Rev. Alexander Taylor . . 1863-72

Taylor was the last Chaplain of the Madras establishment
appointed to the Province. The completion of the Bengal-
Nagpore railway made it more easy to reach the station from
Calcutta than from Madras ; consequently the Province
was transferred to the Bengal Government. Pettigrew was
long remembered as the padre who laid out the cemetery
as a garden and planted flowers and trees in it.^ He was an
artistic designer, and he left various monumental patterns for
future native sculptors in order to improve the appearance of
the burial-ground. Kinloch was attached to the Saugor Field
Force in 1857. After the Mutiny he was ordered home to give
evidence in the Banda-Kirwee Prize Money case, and he spent
the last seven years of his service in England doing this.-^

' Episodes in the Life of an Indian Chaplain, pp. 132-39.

- Episodes, pp. 126-29.

•^ The Madras army was successful in making good its claim to the prize
monej', and the other Presidencies of Bengal and Bombay took their defeat
badly. For nearly forty j'ears afterwards no contumelious expression was too
contumelious for Bengal and Bombay officers to use towards Madras, all its
officers, soldiers, and sepoys, all its population, its customs, habits, and ways.
The Press of the north joined in ; it had to live. It would have been better
for the general cause of good comradeship in the whole Indian army if the case
could have been settled amicablv.

336 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

St. Peter's, Saugor, was built in 1836 ; it measured
74 X 32 X 20 feet, accommodated 164 persons, and cost
Rs.11,900. Of tliis sum the Government paid Rs. 10,250, the
local subscribers Rs.l250, and the Bengal Church Building Fund
Rs.400. Saugor was one of the frontier stations, surrounded by
native States, some being Mahratta, some Rajpoot, and some
Mahomedan, It became a more important station after the
IMutiny than it was before. The Church was enlarged by the
building of two large transepts, and was afterwards handsomely
adorned by the congregation between 1872 and 1877, when
the Rev. Baldwin Hammond was Chaplain.

Christ Churcli, Jiibbulpore, was built in 1843 by the officers
and residents in the station. It measured then 60 X 30 x 21
feet, and was built to accommodate 100 persons. The cost was
Rs.3850 ; of this Rs.500 came from the Bengal Church Building
Fund, established by Bishop Wilson, and the rest was sub-
scribed locally. In 1845 a large vestry was added measuring
80 X 22 X 17 feet. When the station was made an im-
portant military centre, the Church was made over to the
Bengal Government and enlarged at its expense.

All Saints', Nag-pore. — This Church was built in 1851. It
was projected and sanctioned by the Government of Madras
in 1848 1 at a cost not exceeding Rs.2000. At that time the
station was known as Seetabuldee. The Directors were con-
sulted before building was commenced.^ The body measured
36 X 25 X 20 feet, the sacrarium 7 X 12 feet ; Lieut. R. H.
Sankey "' of the Madras Engineers was the architect ; and the
cost, which was very little in excess of the estimate, was borne
by the Government of Madras,

In the year 1848 the same Government declined to surround
the Seetabuldee burial-ground with a wall ; they thought a
hedge sufficient protection.' This was almost the last refusal
to secure a Christian burial-ground for Europeans against
profanation and desecration of various kinds on the part of

' Consultations, Sept. 26, 1848, No. 15, Eccl. ; July 17, 1849, Nos. 2, 3,

EccL

2 Letters, Jan. 17, 1848, 9, Eccl. ; Feb. 22, 1848, 10-13, Eccl. ; Despatch,
July 19, 1848, 2, Eccl.

3 Later Sir R. H. Sankey, K.C.B.

•* Letter, Aug. 8, 1848, 22, Eccl. ; Despatch, July 16, 1851, 42, Eccl.

CHURCHES BUILT BETWEEN 1825 AND 1835 337

cattle, goats, and human beings. A wall was built here and
at Kamptee in 1856,^ and during the next ten years at many
other stations in the Presidency. Until the cemeteries were
thus protected, neither the Chaplains nor others who like to
see the burial-place of their friends and countrymen well kept,
would do anything to improve their appearance. But since
they have been protected many a cemetery has become one of
the brightest spots in the cantonment.

After the Mutiny, Nagpore became a more important
administrative centre than it had been before. The civil
rulers belonged to the Bengal establishment ; the troops to
Madras until 1868 ; and a Madras Chaplain ministered to the
community until that date. The first Chaplain appointed to
the separate charge of Nagpore was the Eev. H. P. James, who
remained in the station from 1856 to 1863. He was succeeded
by the Eev. W. S. Trotman (1865-67) and by the Eev. T. A. C.
Pratt (1867-68) ; then the Chaplaincy was transferred to Bengal.
The Church was enlarged in 1879 and a tower built partly at
the expense of the congregation. Since Nagpore was made the
Cathedral town of the new Central Provinces Diocese, the Church
has been again enlarged. But this does not belong to Madras
history.

1 Letter, Aug. 9, 1856, 7, Eccl. ; Despatch, Aug. 5, 1857, 8, Eccl.

CHAPTEE XVIII

SOME OTHER ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS, 1813 TO 1835

Commissions to consecrate Churches and burial-grounds. Obtained by the
Company from the Archbishop of Canterbury. Fees paid by the
Company. Bishop JNIiddleton and the missionaries. The architecture of
the Company's military Engineers. The old Military Fund. Disabilities
of native Christians. Caste troubles. Petition of native Christians to the
Governor-General. His reference to the Directors. The Directors' ruling.
Overwork of the Bishop of Calcutta. Efforts to relieve him. The Select
Committee of the House of Commons. The minute of Mr. Charles Grant,
then a Cabinet Minister, 1832. His second minute, 1834. The Royal
Letters Patent, June 1835. The Sigillum of the See. Arrival of Bishop
Corrie at Madras, October 1835.

It has already been related how St. Mary's, Fort St. George,
was consecrated by commission in 1680, and how the Black
Town Chapel (St. Mark's) was similarly consecrated in 1804.^
Both these consecrations were carried out with the consent and
the co-operation of the Government. In the year 1807 the
Directors were asked to sanction the building of Churches in
some of the larger mihtary stations.- In anticipation o^
sanction work was commenced, and the first of these to be
completed was that at Masulipatam. When it was approaching
completion at the end of 1809 the Senior Chaplain, the Eev. E.
Vaughan, obtained the permission of the Government for its
consecration. He addressed the Archbishop of Canterbury on
the subject, and sent his letter through the usual official
channel. In forwarding the letter to the Directors the Governor
in Council said : •' ' We herewith forward a letter addressed by
the acting senior Chaplain to the Archbishop of Canterbury,

' The Church in Madras, i. 82, 439, 650.
* Letter, Dec. 24, 1807. 46-52, Mil.
•* Letter, Feb. 6, 1810, 296, Pubhc.

SOME OTHER ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS 339

requesting His Grace to uuthorise the consecration of the new
Church which is at present constructing at MasuUpatam.'

The Directors sent on the appHcation to the Archbishop,
obtained the various instruments that were necessary for the
consecration, and rephed as follows : ^

' We have received the letter referred to in 296th para,
of your Pubhc Despatch dated Feb. 6, 1810, addressed by
the acting senior Chaplain at your Presidency to the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury, requesting His Grace to authorise the
consecration of the new Church then constructing at Masuli-
patam. The same was forwarded to the Archbishop, and we
have received from the Rev. Christopher Hodgson at Lambeth
Palace the commission, sentences, and order of consecration
of the Church at Masulipatam and of the Burial Ground,
which we forward to you in the packet by the ship Castle
Eden, and direct that you desire the Rev. Mr. Vaughan to
certify to the Archbishop of Canterbury in the usual manner
the time the ceremony is performed.'

The certiiicate mentioned was necessary to enable the deed
of consecration to be registered in the Archbishop's Act Book.
Vaughan received the instruments and the power to act in
October 1811, but he did not use them, as he explains in the
following letter to the Government : -

' Having had the honour to receive a commission from the
Most Rev. the Archbishop of Canterbury to consecrate a Church
at Masulipatam, I take the hberty to state for the information
of the Hon. the Governor in Council, that unforeseen circum-
stances having occurred at the time of collecting the materials
for building the place of worship, occasioned considerable delay
in carrying on the work. I have reason to believe it is not
positively in a state of greater forwardness than the other
chapels, which soon after application had been made to His
Grace were directed ^ by Government to be built at all the
principal stations of the army on the Madras Estabhshment.

1 Despatch, Feb. 22, 1811, 28, Publie.

- Act Book of the Archdeacon of Madras under date 1819, Avhen Bishop
Middleton ordered the old letters to be registered. This letter is dated Oct. 10
1811.

^ This order was apparently given at the beginning of 1811. The Directors
sanctioned the building of Churches at all military stations for European troops
in their Pubhc Despatch dated Jan. 11, 1809, para. 153.

z 2

340 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

' I therefore take this opportunity to submit to the Hon.
Sir George BarloAv, Governor in Council, whether it might
not be proper to apply in due time for the Most Eev. the
Archbishop's authority for consocratmg the several Churches
at the respective stations here enumerated, Cannanore, Banga-
lore, Bellary, Trichinopoly and their Burial Grounds, and at
Masulipatam where a chapel is now building to serve as a
chapel of case to the new Church at that settlement, either by
separate connnissions for these purposes, or by a special one to
include them all, as might meet the approbation of the Most
Eev. the Archbishop.

' A considerable space of ground was a few years ago allotted
to our public burial place' at the Presidency, which has not
received the advantage of consecration ; the necessity of soon
employing this space for the general purposes of interment (the
former part being crow"ded with, tombs and monuments)
has induced me to propose the introducing this also to the
notice of His Grace.'

The Government approved of the suggestion and wrote as
follows in their next letter to the Directors : -

' We beg leave to recommend to the attention of your
Honourable Court a letter from the acting Senior Chaplain,
which will be found in our proceedings noted in the margin,
requesting that authority may be obtained from His Grace
the Most Eev. the x\rchbishop of Canterbury for consecrating
the Churches and burying-grounds at Cannanore, Bangalore,
Bellary, and Trichinopoly, as well as the chapel of ease which
Major-General Pater is building at Masulipatam, and the new
burying-ground at the Presidency.'

The Directors communicated with the Archbishop, obtained
all the necessary papers, instruments, and directions, and
wrote as follows : ^

' Agreeably to the recommendation contained in the 38th
paragraph of your public letter dated January 10 last, we
applied to His Grace the Archbishop of Canterbury requesting

' The St. Mary's burial-ground, enlarged in 1801.
2 Letter, Jan. 10, 1812, 38, Public.
=* Despatch, Jan. 29, 1813, 7, 8, Public.

SOME OTHER ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS 341

that he would be pleased to furnish us with the necessary
papers for the consecration of the Churches and Burial
Grounds at the several places therein mentioned, and the
same having been transmitted to us by His Grace's secretary,
we now forward them to you, a number in the packet, by the
ship Rose.

' The Archbishop having signified to us his wish to be
informed of the consecrations when the same shall have been
completed, we direct that you cause the necessary directions
to be given to your senior Chaplain, the Eev. Mr. Vaughan,
in order that he may certify to the Archbishop in the usual
manner the time when the consecrations take place,'

This despatch was received in Madras in July 1813. No
immediate action was taken about the consecrations, for it was
known to all, clergy and laity alike, that a plan was at that very
time being discussed for supplying India with a Bishop of its
own. The news of the creation of the Calcutta Bishopric
arrived in April 1814,^ though it was not officially communicated
till the first Bishop had been nominated. The good news caused
Vaughan to hold his hand and to postpone the religious cere-
monies till the arrival of the new Bishop. 3

The following extracts from the Act Book of the Arch-
bishop 3 record the granting of the Commissions :

' Nov. 1, 1810. His Grace granted a commission to
Edward Vaughan, Clerk, Senior Chaplain of the Presidency of
Fort St. George in the East Indies, to consecrate the Church
and Churchyard at Masuhpatam.'

' Nov. 11, 1812. Application having been made to His
Grace by the Court of Directors of the East India Co. in
pursuance of a representation made to them by their Governor
in Council at Fort St. George that the Rev. Edward Vaughan,
Senior Chaplain at that Presidency, had requested authority
might be obtained from His Grace for the consecration of the
following Churches and Burial grounds (list as above).

' His Grace was pleased to grant separate commissions to
the said Edward Vaughan for the purpose of consecrating the

' Despatch, Nov. 12, 1813, 2, Public.
- Despatch. Feb. 22. 1814, 2, Public.
•' At Lambeth Palace Library,

342 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

said Churches and Burial grounds, which were written on
parchment and stamped with a live shilHng stamp each, and
sent to Mr. Ramsey at the East India House with a form of
consecration for eacli written in a hook.'

When the Directors sent out these documents they made no
mention of the payment of the fees and stamp duties. Quite
naturally they paid all the ecclesiastical and legal dues them-
selves.

As a matter of fact none of these six Churches nor six hurial-
grounds were consecrated at this time. But the process hy
which consecration was sought and the permission to consecrate
was obtained is here transferred from the records in order to
show how consecrations were brought about. Without the
knowledge which these records afford, strange ideas are apt to
prevail and stranger statements to be made,^

The arrival of Bishop Middleton at Calcutta was un-
accompanied by any outward show of welcome. But there
was a hearty welcome in the hearts of the best of the Company's
servants all the same. This was the case in all the three
Presidencies. He had a specially warm welcome from the
Chaplains, of whom there were lifteen on the Madras establish-
ment at the time of his arrival.'- As to the missionaries, those

' In the year 1809 the General Assembly of the Church of Scotland asserted
the right of Presbyterian ministers in India to use the buildings consecrated
to the service of the Church of England in that countrj' on the grounds that
they were built for the use of all Protestant soldiers, — that the Bishops had by
fraud consecrated thera, and thus filched them from the general undenomina-
tional use for which they were built. The Assembly was misled by one of its
members who did not know the facts of the case. In a letter to the Times
in August of that year he likened Presbyterian soldiers to men who had been
robbed of their possessions ; he rang a series of changes on the expressions
' built at the public cost for Protestant troops,' ' Anglican misappropriation,'
' injustice,' ' national insult,' ' insolent Mrong,' ' artful conduct,' and so on.
But there weie some in the General Assembly and some retired Indian Pres-
byterian Chaplains who made a protest against the violence and inaccuracy
of the language used. They, and especially the latter, knew something of the
facts of the case. It is reasonable to suppose that if the facts had been generally
known, the question would have been treated by the Assembly in an entirely
different way.

- Le Bas (Life of Bisliop Middleton) said twelve. Abbott [Analysis, <fcc.)
said five or six. The correct number is fifteen. All of these were cited to
appear at his firat Visitation of the Archdeaconry of Madras in Dec. 1815.

SOME OTHER ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS 343

employed by the S.P.C.K,, both in the southern Presidency
and in Ctilcutta, were Lutherans ; those of the London
Mission in the south were Independents or Congregationahsts.
The only other missionaries were Roman Catholics and
Baptists ; of the latter there were three, all in Bengal.
The Lutheran missionaries welcomed the Bishop with
moderate enthusiasm. He inspected their work and supplied
them with funds to prosecute it, and he gradually won their
confidence and esteem.

Whatever he had to do in Calcutta the Bishop was under no
necessity to preach the virtue of toleration towards missionaries
to the Government of Fort St. George. He found that two
Independent missionaries were residing with permission at
Vizagapatam, one at Bellary, and one at Madras ; that well-
educated Lutherans were stationed at other places and were
receiving from the Government help of various kinds ; and
that the Government had authorised the erection of a Dissenting
chapel in the Black Town of Madras.-*^ The toleration and
assistance enjoyed by the missionaries in the south was due to
the good conduct and subordination to authority of the Germans
employed by the S.P.C.K, during the previous eighty-five
years.

At the time of his arrival the local Governments were
erecting plain buildings for use as Churches in various up-country
stations. The Bishop was struck with the plainness, perhaps
one may say the ugliness, of the new buildings, and it was not
long before he addressed letters to the authorities on the
subject. At the beginning of 1816 he wrote to the Governor
in Council at Fort St. George recommending that certain
improvements should be made in the appearance of several
Churches he had visited, and in all Churches built in the future.
The Government forwarded his letter to the Directors,^ who
replied ^ as follows :

' We consider the suggestion of the Bishop for giving to
Churches in India a more distinct and appropriate character

1 Letter, March 15, 1811, 80, 290, 292, 293, Public ; Despatch, April 2, 1813
80, 107, 108, 109, Public.

- Letter, Sept. 26, 1816, 107, Public.
3 Despatch, Oct. 22, 1817, 29, Eccl.

344 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

by attaching to such as require it a cupola for a bell, and
encompassing the Church with a fence, to be entitled to mature
consideration.'

Tliey added that if a move ecclesiastical design could be
carried out at a reasonable expense, they considered it
desirable, but they would not sanction it till they knew what
the expense was. The result was the adoption of a less
plain design, so that the Churches after the year 1818 were
not so deplorabh' ugly as those built in up-country stations
before that date.

Reference has been made in a former chapter to the fund
usually known as the Clive Fund, but officially known to the
East India Company and in India as the Military Fund. Lord
Clive established the fund by means of a munificent gift after
the conquest of Bengal. His intention was to benefit the
widows and children of soldiers who died in the service of the
Company. The local Governments were to administer the
fund, and were to grant pensions to widows and children accord-
ing to the rank of their deceased husbands and fathers. Later
on the scheme w^as made contributary on the part of officers,
by means of an agreement between the Company and Lord
Clive. And still later it was made obligatory on the part of
every military officer in the Company's Service to join it.
Compulsory contribution altered the character of the fund
and made it an insurance fund. And as the amount of the
contributions were calculated on business principles, its
eleemosynary character was entirely taken away.

Up to the year 1824 the Company's Chaplains and medical
officers were not included in the scheme, and there was some
dissatisfaction in consequence. The question was referred
home, and the Directors decreed ^ that both should be included.
Senior Chaplains were allowed to enter the fund as Majors
and Junior Chaplains as Captains. By paying a donation
on entry, and a monthly sum thereafter, a pension was assured
to the widows, and the children up to a certain age, of the
subscribing officers. The obligation to join the fund was
one of the provisions of the covenant entered into by the

1 Despatch, Jime 9, 1824, 2, Military.

SOME OTHER ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS 345

Chaplains when they joined the Service. It exists at the
present day, and is known as the Indian Service Family
Pension Fund.

From the Church point of view the most important of all
the questions which came to the front during this period were
the civil and political disabilities of the native Christians.
There was no intention on the part of the Directors or the
Government of Fort St. George to place them under any dis-
abilities whatever. The disabilities grew up with the changed
circumstances of the converts. As Hindus they were parts of a
system which embraced every relationship of life. When they
gave up Hinduism as a religion, they probably thought
that they would still be subject to Hinduism as a legal, social
and political system. Nothing is recorded by the Roman
Catholic missionaries of the fifteenth, sixteenth and seventeenth
centuries, nor by the Lutheran missionaries in the service of
the English S.P.C.K. in the seventeenth century, to explain
why they deliberately kept up the system of caste among their
converts. But when the social and political disabilities, under
which their converts would have suffered if they had not
maintained the system, are taken into consideration, it seems
probable that they were choosing the lesser of two evils as a
temporary expedient, so as not to subject their caste converts
to too great a strain.

The arrival of many new missionaries in the first and second
decade of the nineteenth century brought the matter to a
climax. They could only look at it from the religious point
of view. They saw a number of native Christians holding
themselves aloof from their fellow Christians, refusing not only
to drink from the same Cup of Blessing, and to take their
places beside them as fellow worshippers in the House of God,
but refusing also to have any social dealings with them. The
old missionaries did not consider it part of their duty to interfere
with the political and social affairs of the people. They were
simply preaching the gospel, and persuading as many as
possible of every grade of society to acknowledge Christ. As
to the social habits of the people, if they did not conform
with the Christian standard, they would in course of time,
when the Christian standard was better understood, and

346 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

they left all political questions, including law and status,
severely alone.

In the year 1807 the agents of the L.M.S. sent home
to their employers a report, m which they severely criticised
the system hitherto pursued. It was issued as a pamphlet by
the Society for the benelit of subscribers. The following year
it reached Madras, and was received by the old missionaries
TN-ith some indignation. Kohlhoff and Horst, then stationed
at Tanjore, addressed the following letter to the London
S.P.C.K. : 1

' Averse as we are to altercations of every kind, we think
it incumbent on us to advert to some late animadversions
injurious to our character, and especially to that of our respect-
able predecessor,^ whose memory we justly revere, and to tread
in whose steps will ever be our endeavour and our glory. In
a pamphlet, called the " Transactions of the Missionary Society,
No. 15," there are several sentiments which to us seem to be
dictated by prejudice. To charge all protestant missionaries
who went before Messieurs Cran and Desgranges (nearly fifty in
the first mission centur}') as deviating from the Scriptures,
because they allowed the caste, — i.e. the differences between
nobility, gentry, and common people, — to subsist, appears to
us highly uncharitable ; and to say that if they were to tolerate
the difference of caste, they would soon have wonderful accounts
to transmit of their success (which none of all the missionaries
before Mr. Gericke was able to do) betrays a deal of self-conceit
and want of humility.'

After referring to several accusations made by the writers
of the report against the S.P.C.K. missionaries and the Chaplains,
Messieurs Kohlhoft' and Horst defended their conduct with
regard to their teaching the various grades of society m India
separately, and allowing the native Christians to maintain their
own social customs, and concluded thus :

' We do not feel ourselves warranted to require of the
higher ranks such an unscriptural surrender of their birthright,
to which no nobleman or gentleman in our own country would
submit.'

This defence of the S.P.C.K. agents shows how they regarded

' S.P.C.K. Report for 1809. - C F. Schwartz.

SOME OTHER ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS 347

the question. Their converts and those of their predecessors
were mostly of the Sudra castes, i.e. the middle-class population
of the country — tradesmen and cultivators. Their conver-
sion to Christianity was not an act which by itself would cause
them to be put out of caste by their fellow caste people. In order
to be thus expelled it was necessary for them to break the caste
rules in some definite social way. As long as these were not
broken the converts retained their caste membership with all
its social privileges and rights of marriage, succession, and
inheritance.

The contention of the new men ultimately prevailed.
Bishop Middleton made no effort to stop it. He regarded the
system entirely from the religious standpoint. Bishop Heber
favoured the social view of the old S.P.C.K. missionaries.
Bishop Wilson took a most decided line of condemnation.
Between 1807 and 1827 the authorities and the missionaries
of the Church had decided to oppose all caste practices among
the native Christians, and to try and stamp them out as an evil
in the mission field. At first they obliged the converts to
perform some action which would definitely result in their
being degraded from their caste ; but in later years this senseless
policy was discontinued. The result was that nearly all our
Christians became outcasted. Some who would not lose their
caste standing and social rights became Roman Catholics and
Lutherans. Some reverted to Hinduism. The Church of
England lost an immense number of adherents. As to those
who remained their name of Christian became synonymous
with outcaste, and they suffered most of the civil disal)ilities
of the lowest native classes.

In the year 1829 the native Christians, many of whom
were educated men of good social descent and standing, peti-
tioned the Governor- General in Council on the subject. The
missionaries ^ of the S.P.C.K. sent to the Society in London
their remarks,^ when appealing for more helpers. The Governor-
General sent the petition to the Directors in 1830, and there can
be no doubt that they conferred with the members of the East

^ KohlhofE and Haubroe of Tanjoi'e, Rottler and Irion of Madras, Rosen of
Cuddalore, and Schrej'vogel of Trichinopoly.
- S.P.C.K. Report far 1829, pp. 219-21.

348 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Lidia Committee of the Society. In their reply i the Directors
called the attention of the Governor- General in Council to the
fact that in the northern Presidency native Christians were
excluded from the posts of moonsif, vakil, and other legal
appointments ; that in the southern Presidency they were
excluded from the post of Sudder Ameen, refused enlistment
in the cavalry, and debarred promotion in the infantry, in
common with the lowest and most degraded class of persons.
They then explained that the ' neutrality which we think it
our duty to observe does not require that converts to Christian-
ity should be placed by law in a less advantageous situation
than other persons,' and that ' no disabihties should exist by
regulation on account of religious belief.' They directed that
native Christians should be appointed moonsifs or vakils if
ciualified, in the discretion of the person who nominated to
those appointments ; and that they should not be excluded
from non-commissioned rank if fitted to hold it, and if the
commanding officer wished to promote them on account of
merit. They also called upon the Government to report on the
allegation of the loss of property, status, and civil rights on
conversion to Christianity, and to suggest measures of relief.

Neither the Directors nor the local Governments of Bengal,
Madras, and Bombay were parties to the injustice which
existed. When the Government of Madras took over the
administration of the country in the south after the fall of
Seringapatam, they did not make new laws nor transfer to the
new country the laws of their own. They found laws existing
about propert}^ succession, marriage, &c., which the people
well understood and with which they were satisfied. These
were Hindu laws mostly, and the Company's Magistrates and
Judges set to work to administer them to the best of their
ability. Religious questions did not come before them. They
left them for the consideration of the native caste courts and
councils. The Magistrates were satisfied if justice was done
according to native caste rules in these courts. The native
Christian was forgotten, not intentionallj^ l)ut accidentally,

' Despatch to Fort William, Feb. 2, 1831, Public. Also printed in the
Appendix to the Report of the House of Commons Committee on the East
India Company .'i Affairs, 1830-32, vol, viii.

SOME OTHER ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS 349

and principally because he was in such a small minority. At
the end of the first quarter of the nineteenth century native
Christians had grown in numbers and in educational im-
portance. Their cause was adopted by the missionaries and by
the Bishop of Calcutta. The time had arrived for the proper
consideration of their claims, and the Directors did what was
right and just in ordering the removal of their disabilities.
Even now they labour under some disadvantages in some
country districts and in some native States. But one by one
their disadvantages have been removed, and are still being
removed when necessary.^

It is very well known now, though it was not so well known
at the time, that the early Bishops of Calcutta were over-
weighted by the work which they were appointed to do. It
was a great triumph to have obtained the appointment of a
Bishop, and to have secured his support by the wealthy East
India Company. They who specially worked for this end were
so far satisfied with their endeavours that they failed to reahse
that they had been instrumental in giving a man a work far
beyond a man's strength. Bishop Middleton arrived in 1815.
He died in 1822. The next nine years saw the arrival and
death of three of his successors. It was manifest to Bishop
Turner, the fourth occupant of the See, that the labour of the
office should be divided, and he wrote to the Governor-General
in Council on the subject.^^ His proposal was that India should

' It is an open question whetlier the delay in doing them justice has not
been partly due to the well-intentioned action of the missionaries in compelling
their converts to sacrifice their caste — i.e. to give up their social position among
their countrymen — on their conversion. By following this drastic policy
the missionaries seem to have made their own task more difficult. The early
missionaries in Europe were very patient of native customs and habits. They
had time and the operation of the Holy Spirit on their side. Is it not possible
that more patience is required in deaUng ^\ith the law and practice of caste
in the present day ? Bishop Heber of Calcutta and Bishop Gell of Madras
would have said yes. Some caste practices are in direct opposition to the
teaching of the New Testament ; some are not. There is reason to suppose
that among Christians the unchristian practices would gradually be modified and
dropped in course of time. A policy of patience would seem to be more in
accordance with the mind of Christ than one of uprooting and destruction.

- Letter dated Sept. 26, 1830 ; printed in the Report of the House of
Commons Committee, Appendix, 1830-32, vol. viii. East India Company's
Affairs.

350 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

be divided iuto two dioceses, Calcutta and Madras, the latter
diocese to include the Presidencies of Madras and Bombay.
The Diocese of Calcutta at that time included the eastern
colonial possessions of the Crown, the Cape of Good Hope,
Mauritius, Ceylon, and the colonised portions of Australia.
His suggestion was that these should be under the superin-
tendence of the two Indian Bishops, and should be visited once
in three years by one of them.

Earlier in the year the Bengal Civil Finance Committee
reported to the Governor-General in Council, and proposed the
reduction of the Madras establishment of Chaplains from
twenty-three to nineteen for the sake of economy. This
proposal was submitted by the Bengal Government to the
Bishop of Calcutta, who gave a dignified reply against false
economy, and the proposal was dropped.^

This Bishop's proposal was sent home to the Directors.
At the same time Bishop Turner sent a similar letter to the
S.P.C.K. and the S.P.G. in London. This enabled the project
to be discussed by tln-ee different sets of interested persons.
When the House of Commons appointed a select committee
to consider the affairs of the East India Company in 1832,
evidence was taken of the ecclesiastical as well as of other
needs of Lidia, and special inquiries were made in connection
with Bishop Turner's suggestion.

Among those who gave evidence was Mr. John Sullivan, the
originator of English schools for natives,"- and the friend of
Christian Schwartz. He was altogether in favour of an increase
of Chaplains and Church buildings, and was of opinion that
one Bishop for India and the East was not sufficient. He
referred to a correspondence between the Directors and the
S.P.G. on the increase of the Episcopate, and said that the
authorities were not unwilling to increase the number, but had
a difficulty about the funds.

The Rev. James Hough gave some valuable testimony to
the increase of Christians among the Sudra and out-caste
population in the south. He mentioned 23,000 as the number

' House of Commons Committee, on Affairs of the Ead India Company,
Appendix P to Report, vol. viii. p. 781.
- See The Church in Madras, i. 518-19.

SOME OTHER ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS 351

of Christians under the care of the S.P.C.K. and the C.M.S.
when he left Tinnevelly in 1821. In his opinion more Chap-
lains were required ; and he went beyond the modest demand of
Bishop Turner by pleadmg for three Bishops in India and one
in Ceylon. He did this on the ground that each former increase
in the ecclesiastical establishment had produced a marked
effect on the conduct of the Company's servants, to whom the
ministrations of religion had been a welcome boon. He gave
a remarkable instance of the special respect paid by the natives
to those of the Company's servants who paid attention to their
religious duties.

Others gave similar evidence of the advantage which must
result from having a well-superintended religious establish-
ment. Captain Henry Harkness of the Company's Military
Establishment, who travelled with Bishop Heber as com-
mandant of the escort and was with him at his death, expressed
a favourable opinion of the many thousand native Christians
he had then seen, and gave evidence of the need of increasing
the staff of Chaplains for the benefit of the Europeans in the
country, and of appointing more Bishops for the exercise of
their special functions.

The facts elicited by the Committee enabled the Cabinet
to form an opinion of what was required. Mr, Charles Grant ^
was in charge of a measure of relief. In June 1832 he wrote a
minute for the information of his colleagues in the Cabinet.^
He requested their ' immediate attention to a subject of great
importance and public interest, the necessity of giving some
assistance to the Bishop of Calcutta by the appointment of
subordinate Bishops at Madras and Bombay.' He urged that :

(1) Since the death of Bishop Heber the matter had been
pressed upon the Board of Control by the S.P.C.K., the S.P.G.,
and the C.M.S. ; and that the resolutions of the S.P.C.K. (the
Archbishop of Canterbury presiding) had been sent to the
President of the Board of Control and to the First Lord of
the Treasury.

(2) Their opinion was that no person was physically strong

^ The son of Charles Grant, the Bengal civilian, who was afterwards
Chairman of the Board of Directors.

^ India Office Records, Home Series, Miscellaneous, vol. 59.

352 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

enough to undertake so great a charge as the whole of India,
and that this opinion was concurred in generally by a large and
influential portion of the public.

(3) They drew attention to the attempts of Bishops Middle-
ton, Heber, James, and Turner to cope with the difficulties ;
and noted that, owing to their premature deaths, six j-ears of
supervision had been lost since the death of Bishop Middleton
in 1822.

(■i) Li addition to the Company's Chaplains there were
twenty-eight missionaries in Holy Orders, but that it was not
the number of clergy so much as the distances which made the
work impossible for one man.

(5) Feeling it imperative to suggest an arrangement of
relief, he had been in communication Avith the Archbishop of
Canterbury and the Bishop of London. He proposed that :

(6) the Archdeaconries of Madras and Bombay should be
abolished, and that in lieu of them Suffragan or Assistant
Bishops should be appointed on salaries exceeding only by
£500 each the present pay of the Archdeacons.

(7) The Senior Chaplains at Madras and Bombay should be
made commissaries to assist the Bishops in the performance of
the duties which belong to the office of Archdeacon, on allow-
ances of £200 or £250 per annum.

(8) The office of Archdeacon in Bombay being vacant, the
Suffragan Bishop of Bombay can be consecrated in England ;
and the two Bishops of Calcutta and Bombay can consecrate
a third Bishop in India, ' by which means the necessity of
recalling the Archdeacon of Madras to this country will be
avoided.' ^

(9) Dioceses should be commensurate with Presidencies.
Mr. Grant expressed his assurance of the concurrence of the

Court of Directors, and his opinion that there was no good
reason for delay. He concluded by saying that though the
measure would be opposed by a few in the House of Commons,
it would be hailed with satisfaction by the majority of the
nation. ' In short it is a measure just, humane, moderate and
popular.'

' It Avas intended to appoint Archdeacon Robinson of Madras to the
bishopric of Madras.

SOME OTHER ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS 353

The Bill was passed in 1833.^ It provided that ' in case it
shall please His Majesty to erect, found, and constitute two
Bishoprics, one to be styled the Bishopric of Madras and the
other the Bishopric of Bombay, and from time to time to
nominate and appoint Bishops to such Bishoprics,' the salaries
of the Bishops should be paid out of the territorial revenues and
should be fixed at Rs. 24,000 per annum. The jurisdiction of
the Bishops was to be fixed by His Majesty's Royal Letters
Patent, and was to be varied from time to time if His Majesty
saw fit. In similar language the limits of the dioceses were to
be fixed, and power retained to vary them in the future under
Royal Letters Patent.^ The Archdeacons of Madras and
Bombay were not abolished, but their salaries were reduced to
Rs.3000 per annum.

The year 1834 passed without the issue of the Royal Letters
Patent, owing to a financial difficulty. At the end of that
year ^ Mr. Charles Grant wrote a minute explaining the diffi-
culty for the information of his successor at the India Board.
He said that :

(1) He desired to state the position in which the question
of the two new Bishoprics in India then stood.

(2) It was his desire to recommend His Majesty without
delay to appoint Bishops for Madras and Bombay, in order to
diminish the labours of the Bishop of Calcutta.

(3) To effect this purpose in a way judicious, prompt
and economical, he would have advised His Majesty to nominate
to one of the Bishoprics Archdeacon Daniel Corrie of Calcutta ;
and he would have tried to find a fit and proper person in this
country ^ for the other, who with the Bishop of Calcutta might
have consecrated Corrie in India under provisions of section 99
of the Act.

(4) But he found that until the salaries of the Archdeacons
can be placed on the reduced scale mentioned in section 101,

1 It is known as 3 & 4 William IV. c. 85.

- Section 93.

^ The Minute is^dated Dec. 9, 1834. India Office Records, Home Series,
Miscellaneous, vol. 59.

"* By this time Mr. Charles Grant had given up Archdeacon Robinson of
Madras, his first choice, for Archdeacon Corrie of Calcutta, who was several years
senior to Robinson.

VOL. II. 2 A

354 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

it is impracticable to give the Bishops of Madras and Bombay
the salaries assigned in section 89, and at the same time to
keep the whole expense of Bishops and Archdeacons together
within the limits prescribed by section 101.

(5) He was therefore compelled to narrow his views to the
appointment of one additional Bishop ; and after consultation
with Earl Grey and the Archbishop of Canterbury it was deter-
mined that Mr. Corrie should be the new Bishop, and that his
Bishopric should be Madras and not Bombay.

(6) Mr. Grant, having received the sanction of His Majesty
to the selection of Mr. Corrie, wrote to that gentleman and
desired that ho would with all practical despatch come home for
consecration.

The reduction of the salaries of the Archdeacons of Madras
and Bombay was not intended to affect those holding the
ofl&ces at the time of the passing of the Act. The vacancy of the
office at Bombay enabled the authorities to appoint a Bishop to
one of the intended Sees. The other had to wait for an occupant
until the Archdeacon of Madras either retired or resigned, in
order that his salary might be transferred for the new purpose.
Archdeacon Robinson resigned shortly after the arrival of
Bishop Corrie in Madras ; and within a short time a Bishop
was nominated and consecrated for Bombay.

The King issued the Royal Letters Patent establishing the
See of Madras in June 1835. The Letters commenced by
reciting all that had been done by the Letters Patent of 1813
establishing the See of Calcutta. Then they continued :

' Now know ye that, to the end that our intention may be
further carried into effect. We do by these presents ordain and
declare Our Royal will and pleasure to be, that from and after
the tenth day of October next. Our territories within the limits
of the Presidency of Madras and Our territories within the Island
of Ceylon shall be erected into a Bishop's See, and We do by
these presents erect, found, ordain, make and constitute [such
territories] to be a Bishop's See accordingly.'

Then follows the appointment of Dr. Daniel Corrie to the
Bishopric, subject to the rights of revocation and resignation,
and his subordination to the Bishop of Calcutta as Metropohtan

SOME OTHER ECCLESIASTICAL MATTERS 355

of the Province. Episcopal powers and coercive jurisdiction
were then given to the Bishop and his successors, together
with the right to appoint to the office of Archdeacon a Chaplain
in the service of the East India Company, and to the office of
Registrar ' a proper and sufficient person.' There were also
powers to hear and determine suits in the ecclesiastical court,
subject to the right of appeal to the Government of Fort St.
George. The Bishop was made a body corporate with power
to purchase and hold property in trust, and to use a corporate
seal.

On June 30, 1835, the authorities of the Heralds' College
registered the armorial bearings granted by the King to the
Bishop of Madras and his successors, which were : Argent, on
a mount vert in front of a banian tree, a kid on the dexter
couchant looking towards the sinister, and on the sinister a
leopard couchant guardant, all proper ; a chief azure, thereon
a dove rising, in the beak an olive branch, also proper, between
two crosses patee or.

On October 24, 1835, Bishop Corrie arrived at Madras.

2 A 2

CHAPTEE XIX

CHAPLAINS IN THE HONOURABLE EAST INDIA COMPANY'S
SERVICE, MADRAS ESTABLISHMENT

1805 to 1835 "i

William Thomas. — Son of Richard Thomas of Shrewsbury.
Born 1779. Educated at Shrewsbury. Matriculated at Christ
Church, Oxford, 1797, but did not graduate. Appointed by the
Directors 1805. Served at Bellary 1806-8 ; Cannanore and the
West Coast stations 1808-12 ; Bangalore 1812-20 ; the Presi-
dency Church (St. George's) 1820-24, when he retired. At
Bellary and Bangalore he originated local missions, which
were carried on by means of monthly subscriptions among the
civil and military officers of the garrisons, and were unconnected
with either of the missionarj^ societies of the Church. Fifty
years after, when they had grown beyond the management of
the Chaplain, they were taken over by the S.P.G. Thomas
served the whole of his time without taking leave to Europe.
He probably suffered in health in consequence, for on his return
home he was unable to do any regular work.

Marmaduke Thoni'pson. — Fifth son of Thomas Thompson of
London, merchant. Born 1776. Matriculated at Pembroke
College, Cambridge, 1796. Graduated B.A. 1800, M.A. 1803 ;
appointed 1806. He was one of the first five Chaplains nomin-
ated by the Rev. Charles Simeon at the request of the Directors.
On his arrival he was sent to Cuddalore to minister to the cadets
at that station. The cadets were removed in 1809, and Thomp-
son was selected by the Governor of Fort St. George to be
Junior Presidency Chaplain. The Senior Presidency Chaplain
was Edward Vaughan. These two, with the Chaplain of Black-
town, shared the whole work of the Fort, the town of Madras,

THE CHAPLAINS, 1805 TO 1835 357

and the suburbs west and south. He assisted the Black Town
Committee to found the Civil Male Orphan Asylum in the
absence of the Black Town Chaplain. When the old St. Mary's
Poor Fund came to an end he was instrumental in founding the
Friend in Need Society, and became its first President in 1813.
He was the first secretary of the C.M.S. Corresponding Com-
mittee at Madras, and as such he helped the Society to obtain
the goodwill of many of the Company's civil and military
officers. When St. George's Church was ready for use in 1815,
Vaughan and Thompson were transferred to it and became the
first Chaplains of St. George's. Hough says that there was a
party in Madras who tried to prevent Thompson's appointment
to the new Church, but there is nothing in the records to show
this. At the time of the appointment he had been Junior
Presidency Chaplain for nearly six years. His wife died at
Madras in 1819, and he went on leave to England soon after-
wards. During his furlough he was selected by the C.M.S. to
preach the annual sermon to members of that Society at St.
Bride's, Fleet Street. He returned to India in 1823 as Senior
Presidency Chaplain, and retired in 1825. In many respects
he was a notable Chaplain. As C.M.S. secretary he w^as instru-
mental in obtaining for the Society a site for their first
Church in Madras, and he was a diligent and sympathetic
worker among the members of the Eurasian i community.
In 1831 he became Eector of Brightwell in Berkshire.

CJiarles Baihurst was appointed by the Directors in 1806.
He was probably an undergraduate at Cambridge at the time
of his nomination, for at that time Simeon selected the candi-
dates. On arrival at Madras he was sent to Masulipatam ;
after six years he fell a victim to the climate in common with
many other Europeans, and died in 1813. The officers of the
garrison erected a monument to his memory in the Church
within the Fort.- On this he is styled M.A. ; as a matter of fact
he was not a graduate.

John Kerr. — Son of Hugh Kerr, merchant, of the county of
Longford in Ireland. Born 1782. Matriculated at Trinity
College, Dublin, in 1796, but did not graduate. Accompanied

^ Called in his time Indo-Briton.

2 Archdeacon's Records, June 22, 1820.

358 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

his cousin, the Eev. R. H. Kerr, to India in 1803, and assisted
him as schoohnaster and superintendent of the Male Asylum
Press until 1806. He then returned to Ireland and was
ordained Deacon and Priest in October of that year. Being
approved by the Archbishop of Canterbury ^ he "was appointed
Chaplain b}^ the Directors and arrived at Madras in August
1807. He was appointed at once to the charge of the Black Town
Church, and superintendent of the Male Asylum Press. In the
following October his health broke down and he had to go on
sick leave to the Cape of Good Hope. There he remained for
nearly two years. At the end of 1809 he was back in Madras.
He struggled on with his work during 1810, but at the beginning
of the following year he had to take sick leave to Bangalore.
There he died on April 2, 1811. There is a monument over his
grave in the old cemetery. He was unmarried. In his will
he mentioned his sister, Jane Ellis Kerr of Madras, and Mrs.
Lewis Kerr of Dublin, presumably the mother of the Rev. E. H.
Kerr and his aunt.

William Avihoor Keating was born in 1779 at Amboor in
the North Arcot District, being the son of Lieut. -Colonel
William Cooper Keating, an officer belonging to the Madras
Military Establishment of the Hon. Company's Service. He
matriculated at Merton College, Oxford, in 1798, but did not
proceed to a degree. He was appointed a Chaplain in 1808.
His first station was Trichinopoly. The heat there was more
than he could bear and he had to take furlough in 1810. On
his return to India he officiated for a short time at Poonamallee,
and in 1813 he was appointed Chaplain of St. Mary's, Fort St.
George, in succession to Vaughan and Thompson, who were
transferred to St. George's. These two retained the titles
and the emoluments of their office as Senior and Junior Presi-
dency Chaplains, and Keating was the first Chaplain of the Fort
after the appointment had been shorn of half its honour and
glory. In 1820 he was attacked by cholera whilst conducting
the morning parade service, and he died the same evening,
aged forty-one. Colonel Welsh says he was the best preacher
he ever heard in the East.-

' I was not long personally acquainted with him, l)ut all

' Lambeth Acl Book, Jan. 3, 1807. - Reminiscences, ii. 170.

THE CHAPLAINS, 1805 TO 1835 359

that I had an opportunity of seeing in his behaviour, both
pubHcly and privately, made me lament his untimely fate. In
society he was mild, modest and gentlemanly ; in the pulpit
pious, zealous and energetic ; with the clearest and most
melodious voice I ever heard. His reading of the Communion
Service in particular was the most affecting and eloquent that
the mind of man could conceive,' &c.

Keating's remains rest in St. Mary's burial-ground. He left
a widow, Margaret Wray Keating, and a son, William.

Joh7i Dunsterville was the son of Bartholomew Dunsterville
of Plymouth. Born 1776. Matriculated at Exeter College,
Oxford, in 1794, and graduated B.A. in 1798. He was appointed
a Chaplain in the Company's Service in 1808. He spent twenty
years at Cannanore and four years at Bangalore, dying at the
former place in 1831, aged 55. He buried the Kev. John Kerr
at Bangalore in 1811. He is mentioned with respect by Colonel
E. G. Wallace in his book ' Fifteen Years in India.' He left
descendants, some of whom were well known in the Presidency
during the nineteenth century.

Bicfiard Smyth was born in 1774, being the son of Eichard
Smith of Eeading in Berkshire. He matriculated at Hertford
College, Oxford, in 1792 ; graduated B.A. 1798, and M.A. 1800 ;
and appointed Chaplain in 1808. The first five years of his
service were spent at Trichinopoly, and the last fifteen in the
North Arcot District, where a strong brigade was divided
between Arcot, Arnee, Vellore, and Wallajahbad. At the end
of 1829 he went on sick leave to Bangalore and died there on
the last day of the year in the fifty-seventh year of his age.
He was buried in the old cemetery. The inscription on the
monument shows that his widow Maria was buried in the
same grave in 1841.

John Mousleij was the son of John Mousley of Boswell in
the county of Warwick. Born 1771. Matriculated at Trinity
College, Oxford, 1793 ; graduated B.A. 1800, M.A. 1802 ; he
was elected Fellow of Balliol in 1802 and retained his fellow-
ship until 1816. In 1818 he was granted the B.D. and D.D.
degrees by decree. He was appointed Chaplain in 1810 ;
served with the Arcot brigade in 1811 ; was recalled to Madras
in 1812, and officiated as Junior Presidency Chaplain at St.

360 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Marj^'s, Fort St. George. In the following year he was nomin-
ated first Archdeacon of Madras by the Board of Directors.
He had only three years' service to his credit, but he was a
recognised classical and Oriental scholar. Before going to
India he had translated some of the Persian manuscripts in
the Bodleian Library into Latin, and made them accessible to
English scholars. His desire to study Persian further and to
master the language for literary purposes was the probable
cause of his seeking and obtaining a Chaplaincy. He died at
Madras in 1819, aged 48, and was buried in the church-
yard of St. George's Cathedral. On his tomb is a sculptured
figure of Faith by Flaxman. The Latin epitaph praises his piety,
his scholarship, his large-hearted toleration, and his Christian
faith. It is said to have been written by Bishop Middleton of
Calcutta. He left no ofiice records and he died intestate.

Morgan Davis was born in 1774, according to the inscription
on his monument. He was appointed in 1810, and on his
arrival in Madras was placed at St. Mark's, Black Town, to carry
on the work commenced by the Eev. E. H. Kerr and his cousin
the Eev. John Kerr. Like them he had charge of the Male
Asj'lum and the Press in connection with it. In 1808 a com-
mittee of domiciled Europeans and Indo-Britons (as the
Eurasians were then called) estabhshed, with the assistance
and advice of Marmaduke Thompson, one of the Fort Chaplains,
the Civil Male Orphan Asylum, and placed it close to St. Mark's
Church, in order that the St. Mark's Chaplain might be able to
supervise the management, discipline, and religious teaching.
When Davis arrived he found that a similar committee was
estabhshing a Civil Female Orphan Asylum, and were about
to place it near the Male Asylum. He threw himself into
the scheme and assisted to bring it to a successful issue,
and for nearly twelve years he watched over the institu-
tions and helped to place them on a sound financial footing.
This was his principal work at Black Town. In 1817 the
spiritual charge of the Hospital and the Jail was added to his
duties. In 1822 he had to take sick leave to the Cape of Good
Hope, and died there on November 28, aged 48. There
is a tablet to his memory at St. Mark's, which was erected by
his parisliioners.

THE CHAPLAINS, 1805 TO 1835 361

Charles Henry Samjpson was the eldest son of James Sampson
of Hanover Square, London. Born 1768. Matriculated at
Magdalen Hall, Oxford, in 1802 ; graduated B.A. 1805, M.A.
1810. In that year he was appointed a Chaplain. On arrival
at Madras he was posted to Cannanore, where he served for two
years. He returned home in 1813, took the degrees of B.D. and
D.D. at Oxford the same year, and resigned the service in 1815.

Thomas Wetherherd was the son of Theophilus Wetherherd
of Leeds. He matriculated at Trinity College, Cambridge, in
1793 ; migrated to St. Peter's College, where he was elected a
scholar in 1797 ; graduated B.A. in 1798 in mathematical
honours, and M.A, in 1804. He was appointed a Chaplain in
1810. He served at Bellary from 1811 to 1823, and at St.
Thomas' Mount from 1823 to 1829, when he retired. He died
in 1839.

James Hutchison was the son of Kev. Alexander Hutchison
of Hamilton, co. Lanark, Clerk in Holy Orders. Born 1782.
Matriculated at Balhol College, Oxford, in 1800 ; graduated
B.A. in 1804 and M.A. in 1806. He was appointed a Chaplain
in 1813. He served at Quilon till 1821, and then at Palam-
cottah till his return to England in 1829. He retired from the
service in 1831, and died in 1858.

Jose'ph Brackenbunj was the son of Joseph Brackenbury of
Spilsby, CO. Lincoln. Born 1788. Matriculated at Corpus
Christi College, Cambridge, in 1806, and was soon afterwards
elected to a foundation scholarship. A year later he obtained
scholarships on the foundations of Bishop Mawson and Dean
Spencer. He graduated B.A. in 1811. While an under-
graduate he published a volume of poems by subscription.
The list of subscribers shows that he had many relations in his
county. He was appointed Chaplain in 1813. He served at
Secunderabad and Jaulnah from 1814 to 1818, when he returned
home and resigned. He took his M.A. degree in 1819. In
1841 he became Chaplain and Secretary of the Magdalen
Asylum, London, and retained this post till 1863, when he
became Vicar of Quendon, Essex. He died in 1864.

Samuel Jones was appointed in 1813, but resigned before
leaving England. He was an Irishman of Trinity College,
Dubhn, and graduated B.A. in 1796. He was appointed

362 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Canon of Limerick in 1817, and took his M.A. degree at
Dublin in 1832.

Henry Cartwright Bankes was the son of William Bankes of
Boraston, Shropshire. Born 1787. Matriculated at All Souls
College, Oxford, in 1806. He migrated to St. Alban's Hall
before graduating B.A. in 1812. He was appointed a Chaplain
in 1814 ; served at Trichinopoly from 1815 till 1823, and then
for a short time at Secunderabad. He died in India in 1824.

Charles Norman matriculated at Pembroke College, Cam-
bridge, in 1811, and migrated to St. Catherine's College a
month ;later. While still an undergraduate he was nomi-
nated to a Chaplaincy in 1814 ; he accepted the nomination
but resigned almost immediately afterwards. He graduated
B.A. in 1815.

William Rojj was the eldest son of Kobert Roy, the Principal
of a private school in Kensington ; his mother was Mary
Forsyth. Both parents belonged to the county of Elgin in
Scotland. Educated by his father, William Eoy matriculated
at Magdalen Hall, Oxford, in 1811, but left the University
without taking a degree. He was appointed a Chaplain in
1814. After serving at Masulipatam for four years, where he
attracted the notice of Edward Vaughan, the Senior Presidency
Chaplain, he was posted to St. Thomas' Mount and thus
brought nearer to the seat of Government. Here he remained
three years, and was then brought nearer still, namely to
Black Town, through the influence of Vaughan, who became
Archdeacon in 1819. At Black Town he had spiritual charge
of the Hospital, the Jail, the Civil Orphan Asylums, as well as
the ordinary parochial work, and he acquitted himself so well
that in 1824 he was made Junior Presidency Chaplain and
transferred to St. George's, Choultry Plain. In the following
year he succeeded Marmaduke Thompson as Senior Presidency
Chaplain, and he retained this position till he returned to
England in 1831. On the death of Vaughan he acted as
Archdeacon till the arrival of his successor. Roy was a
prominent and valuable member of the S.P.C.K. and S.P.G.
District Committees, and took a leading part in the preservation
of the mission property when it was in jeopardy. He married
Anne Catherine Gascoigne in Madras, and had a family of nine

THE CHAPLAINS, 1805 TO 18.35 363

children. In 1833 he was presented to the Eectory of Skirbeck
in the county of Lincoln, of which he purchased the advowson a
few years later. At Skirbeck he found plenty of scope for his
abilities and his natural energy. He was elected Chairman of
the newly constituted Board of Guardians for Boston, which
office he retained till his death. He was Chairman of the local
Bench of Magistrates. He built the Church and schools of
Holy Trinity, Skirbeck, in 1848, and in the same year he rebuilt
the Eectory house, which had been burnt down in the previous
year. He died in 1852, and was buried beneath the altar of
Holy Trinity Church. He was a learned and able man, who
showed in all the various positions he occupied an excellent
judgment and a calm, dispassionate temper. He was known
both in India and in England as Dr. Roy. Whether the title
was assumed or given him by admiring friends is unknow^n, but
it is certain that it was not conferred upon him by any Univer-
sity in Great Britain or Ireland.

Henry Harper was a native of Devon and was born in 1791.
He matriculated at St. John's College, Cambridge, in 1809 ;
migrated to Queen's College in 1811 ; and graduated B.A. from
that college in 1813. On the nomination of the Rev. Charles
Simeon he was appointed a Chaplain in 1814. After service at
Chittoor, Secunderabad, and St. Thomas' Mount, he went home
in 1824, and took his M.A. degree at Cambridge. On his return
to India he served at Bellary, Vizagapatam, and Black Town,
and in 1831 was nominated by Archdeacon Robinson as Junior
Presidency Chaplain at St. George's. In 1832 he acted as
Archdeacon for six months during the absence of the Ven.
T. Robinson. In 1886 he was appointed Archdeacon by Bishop
Corrie of Madras. This appointment he held till 1846, when he
returned home. From 1847 to 1856 he lived in retirement at
Cambridge. He then accepted the Rectory of Elvedon in
Suffolk, and there he died in 1865. Archdeacon Harper had
to succeed an Archdeacon of great administrative ability,
of recognised scholarship, of courtly address, and of grave
judgment. His position was difficult, but he had the abihty
to rise to the occasion, and not to suffer by contrast with his
predecessor. Both men were nominees of Charles Simeon.
Both outlived the narrowness of their early views and were

364 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

able to do work of lasting excellence in the Hon. East India
Company's Service.

James Traill was nominated by Simeon and appointed
in 1815. He was not a graduate, but was probably a Cambridge
man who came under the notice and influence of his patron
while still a student. He served at Vizagapatam from 1817
to 1819, when his health gave way and he had to return to
England. He resigned the Service in 1822.

Thomas Lewis was born in 1789 ; he was a son of Thomas
Lewis, M.D., of London. Matriculated at Queen's College,
Oxford, 1806; graduated B.A. 1810, and M.A. 1815. He
became a student of Lincoln's Inn 1809, but gave up the study
of the law for theology before he was called to the bar. He
was appointed a Chaplain in 1815, and on arrival at Madras
was posted to Fort St. George. He retained this much coveted
position for fourteen years, and in 1830 was appointed Chaplain
to the North Arcot Brigade. On February 20, 1833, he died at
Vellore. No monument was raised to his memory at that
station nor at Arcot. In his will he mentioned his brother,
Edward Page Lewis, Chaplain of Bunder (Masulipatam), and
his sister, Margaret Wray Lewis, presumably the wife of his
brother and the widow of William Amboor Keating.

James Hough was a native of Cumberland and w^as born in
1789. He was nominated by Charles Simeon and was appointed
to a Chaplaincy in 1S15. The fact of his nomination by Simeon
leads one to suppose that he was a student at Cambridge at
the time. He arrived at Madras in 1816, and was welcomed
and entertained by Marmaduke Thompson till he was sent to
Palamcottah. Here he remained five years, devoting his chief
attention to the mission work of the district. His proper
work as a Chaplain was among the European officers, soldiers,
and civilians of the station ; but he was much more interested
in mission work than in the pastoral care of his countrymen.
He nursed the old S.P.C.K. Mission established by Schwartz,
superintended the native catechists and schoolmasters, and
repaired the mission schoolrooms and chapels in Palamcottah
and the surrounding villages. As the S.P.C.K. could not send
a European missionary to shepherd the many Christians of the
district, he paved the way for the C.M.S. by purchasing some

THE CHAPLAINS, 1805 TO 1835 365

land for them.^ In 1821 he was transferred to Poonamallee.
Here his health broke down, so that after a year's work he was
obliged to go to England. On his return in 1824 he was, at the
instance of Marmaduke Thompson, made Junior Presidency-
Chaplain at St. George's. But he was unable to bear the heat
of the climate. In 1826 he travelled through the Nilgiris to
the west coast, and went home in that year not to return. In
1828 he entered as a Fellow Commoner at Queen's College,
Cambridge, and graduated B.A. in 1832 and M.A. in 1835.

Hough wrote and published many books during his furlough
to England and after his retirement from the Company's
Service. His first book was a reply to the Abbe Dubois (1824),
who took a gloomy view of the prospect of any missionary
success in Lidia. His second book (1829) was a collection of
letters on the climate, scenery, and productions of the Nilgiris.
Then came some volumes of sermons, ' The Missionary's Vade
Mecum ' (1832), and an informing booklet on the immolation
of Hindu widows (1833). In 1837 the missionary work of the
Church in India was violently attacked by Dr. (afterwards
Cardinal) Wiseman. Hough replied to the attack and vindi-
cated the methods employed. But his greatest work was the
' History of Christianity in India ' in five volumes, which he
compiled between 1839 and 1847 with the assistance of his
son. In 1834 he became vicar of Ham in Surrey, and in the
same year the C.M.S. wisely invited him to join their committee,
and to give them the benefit of his local knowledge of Madras
missionary affairs. He died at Hastings and was buried at
Ham in 1847, being succeeded in the vicarage by his son, the
Eev, T. G. P. Hough, who assisted him in the compilation of
his history and saw the work through the press.

Edward Martin John Jackson matriculated at St. John's
College, Cambridge, in 1812 as Edward Jackson, and graduated
B.A. in 1816 under his full name. He married in 1814, while
still an undergraduate, Fanny, the daughter of James Lardner
of Teignmouth, Devon. At Cambridge he came under the
influence of Charles Simeon, and was recommended by him for
a Chaplaincy in the Company's Service. He was appointed in
1816 as Edward Martin Jackson ; arrived in 1817 and was sent

' The Church in Madras, i. 634.

366 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

to Vellore. There he died in 1821. He left a widow and two
children ; the son was named Edward Marriott Jackson. He
signed his will with his full name.

William Malkin was born in 1791, being the son of Samuel
Malkin of London. He was educated at a private school at
Islington, which was then ' a village near London ' ; matriculated
at Magdalen College, Cambridge, 1811, and graduated B.A.
1816. Nominated by Simeon he was appointed a Chaplain,
and arrived at Madras at the end of that year. He served at
Poonamallee till 1820 ; then he succeeded William Thomas at
Bangalore, and remained there till his retirement in 1832. In
1817 he married at Madras the eldest daughter of Sir Samuel
Toller, the Advocate-General. In 1825 he published a volume
of sermons by subscription, which he dedicated to the officers of
H.M.'s and the Hon. East India Company's Service ' who have
either permanently or occasionally attended the ministry of the
author.' The preface is dated Bangalore, 1824. The appen-
dix contains a list of the subscribers ; it includes a large number
of civil and military officers on the Madras establishment. In
1833 he became Vicar of St. Ives, Cornwall. He resigned in
1850, and lived in Jersey till 1866, when he became vicar of
Hunningham, Leamington. This work he resigned in 1867.
He died at Leamington in 1874.

Charles Church was one of the sons of the Rev. Charles Cobb
Church, J.P., Rector of Gosforth and Incumbent of Trinity
Church, Whitehaven. His mother was the daughter of Anthony
BennofHensingham House, Cumberland. Born 1785. Educated
at St. Bees Grammar School ; matriculated at Trinity College,
Cambridge, 1804 ; migrated to Jesus College and graduated
in honours B.A. 1807, M.A. 1811. He was ordained to the
curacy of Beckermont and afterwards became vicar of Hensing-
ham. He was nominated for a Chaplaincy by Simeon and
appointed in 1816. He arrived at Madras with his wife and child
in 1817, and was hospitably entertained by Marmaduke Thomp-
son. His first station was Cuddalore, one of the oldest mission
stations of the S.P.C.K. This was unfortunate for both the mis-
sion and the Society. Kerr, Thompson, and Church belonged
to'the new ' evangelical ' party which had been to some extent
frowned upon by the S.P.C.K. and those in authority. Other

THE CHAPLAINS, 1805 TO 1835 367

nominees of Charles Simeon belonged to the same party, but
only these three carried their antagonism to the Society to
India with them. Church ignored the old S.P.C.K. Mission at
Cuddalore and its historic chapel. He held services for Euro-
peans in the Magistrate's office in New Town, and hired a
house in Old Town for similar purposes. He opened two mission
schools in opposition to the S.P.C.K. missionary, and supported
them at his own expense. On the other hand he acquired a
knowledge of Tamil with a view to making himself useful in his
missionary ventures. In 1819 he was sent to Vizagapatam in
the Telugu district, where his knowledge of Tamil was of very
little use to him. Here he had to minister to 500 British
soldiers in the Fort, and a few families of civilians at Waltair
' in the country four miles off.' In 1820 he was appointed
Chaplain of Black Town, Madras, and became secretary of the
C.M.S. Corresponding Committee and President of the Friend
in Need Society, in succession to Marmaduke Thompson, who
had gone to England on furlough. He founded the Madras
Auxiliary Bible Society and was its first honorary secretary.
One of his duties was to visit the military station of Poonamallee.
This he did in 1821.^ At this time his own health began to
suffer, and he lost two of his children. He left India on sick
leave in March 1822, and died at sea the following month.

The ' Life of Church ' was written by a Madras civiUan, J.
M. Strachan, and James Hough wrote the preface. Strachan
was of the ' evangelical ' school and took a pessimistic view of
human nature. He harps upon the wickedness of other people.
He says that in Church's time there were ' only a few pious
Chaplains, of a different class a large proportion.' Church
himself adopted a similar tone. He wrote from Cuddalore :
' Some time ago religion was never thought or heard of in
India ; now there are several really pious Europeans ' (p. 97).
He expressed the lowest opinion of the soldiers at Vizagapatam —
' sunk below the heathen around them.' From Poonamallee
he wrote of the * awful wickedness of the garrison.' At the same
time, like others of the same school, he spoke of his own awful

' He mentions the Asjduin for orphans of British soldiers at Poonamallee,
which cannot be traced. He probably meant the Military Asylum in the Poona-
mallee Road at Madras.

368 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

wickedness. Strachan and Hough both write of him as an
exceptionally good, righteous, and conscientious man. It is
therefore conceivable that his denunciations of himself and
his contemporaries were merely figures of speech. It is quite
certain that the Europeans of the period resented the opinions
he and Marmaduke Thompson and others held about them.

Thomas Bohinson was born in 1790, being the son of the
Eev. Thomas Robinson, Fellow of Trinity College, Cambridge,
and Vicar of St. Mary's, Leicester. He was educated at
Rugby ; matriculated at Trinity College, Cambridge, 1809,
and elected to a scholarship ; graduated B.A. 1813 (thirteenth
wrangler and second classical medallist) and elected to a
Fellowship ; M.A. 1816. He was appointed a Chaplain on
the Bombay establishment on the nomination of Charles
Simeon in 1816, and proceeded at once to India. Whilst
serving at Seroor and Poonah he studied Persian and began to
translate the Bible into that language at the latter station.
Li 1825 he attracted the notice of Bishop Heber ; on becoming
his Chaplain he was transferred to the Bengal establishment,
and he remained Heber's constant companion till his death.
He then preached his funeral sermon at St. John's, Trichinopoly,
and sent a report to the Madras Government as to what was
in the Bishop's mind at the time of his death. The Government
reverently carried out all the Bishop's wishes. In 1828 he was
nominated by Bishop James of Calcutta to the Archdeaconry of
Madras, and was transferred to the Madras establishment.
He held this appointment till the arrival of the first Bishop of
Madras in 1835, when he resigned the Company's Service and
returned to England. The office of Archdeacon seemed to be
his natural vocation, and he performed its duties as if he had
been accustomed to them all his life. He visited every station
of importance in the Archdeaconry, and brought to the notice
of Government every requirement. When he was obliged to
report negligence he did so with restraint ; when he was able to
praise he praised generously. It was intended by the promoter
of the Madras Bishopric Bill that Archdeacon Robinson should
be the first Bishop of Madras ; but other counsels prevailed, and
the Bishopric was bestowed upon the Archdeacon of Calcutta,
who was Robinson's senior in the Service by several years.

THE CHAPLAINS, 1805 TO 1835 369

Dr. Kobinson held various positions of importance and
dignity after his return to England, including that of Master of
the Temple, He died at Rochester in 1873, being one of the
Canons of that Cathedral Church. Further details of his
distinguished career are to be found in the ' Dictionary of
National Biography.' He was the author of many books and
pamphlets. He translated the Old Testament into Persian, and
these were his other notable works about India :

1819. * A Volume of Sermons preached in India.'

1821. ' Difficulties of the Clergy in India.'

1826. ' Funeral Sermon of Bishop Heber.'

1829. ' Last Days of Bishop Heber.'

1835. ' Ordination Sermon at Tanjore.'

1888. ' Lecture on Oriental Studies at Cambridge.' (He
was Reader in Arabic there.)

1845. ' Letter to the S.P.G. on the Tinnevelly Missions.'

1845. ' Rise and Progress of Missions in Tinnevelly.'

His interest in mission work was not the least interesting
characteristic of the man. When the S.P.G. took over the
work and the property of the S.P.C.K. in India, Archdeacon
Robinson formed the Madras District Committee for managing
its concerns in his archdeaconry.

Frederick S'pring was born in 1790, being the second son of
James Spring of St. Marylebone, London. Matriculated at
St. Edmund Hall, Oxford, 1808 ; graduated B.A. 1813, and M.A.
1824 while on furlough from India. He was appointed a
Chaplain in 1816. He served on the west coast from 1817 to
1829, first at Tellicherry, then at Quilon. At Tellicheny he
was instrumental in building the Chm'ch. Dming this period
he studied the Malayalim language, and in 1839 he published
at Madras his ' Outlines of the Malayalim Grammar,' a quarto
volume of acknowledged merit, which b}' permission was dedi-
cated to the Right Hon. Lord Elphinstone, Governor of Fort St.
George. He officiated at Poonamallee from 1829 to 1832, being
at the same time in spiritual charge of the Chelsea pensioners
who formed the Veteran battalion at Tripassore. The pensioners
were grateful for his ministrations, and presented him on
leaving Poonamallee with a copy of Cranmer's works. From
1833 to 1843 he officiated successively as Junior and Senior

370 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Presidency Chaplain at St. George's, Madras. In 1843 he died.
No monmnent marks his resting-place in the St. George's
buiial-gi'ound, though he was in several respects a notable
Chaplain. He was married twice and left two sons and two
daughters.

Walter Eees Morgan Williams was born in 1790, being the
son of Walter Wilhams of Devynnock in the county of Brecon.
He matriculated at Jesus College, Oxford, 1808, of which
college he was a scholar ; graduated B.A. 1812, M.A. 1815.
He was appointed a Chaplain in 1816. He served at Cochin
from 1817 till the end of the following year, when his health
gave w^ay. He took sick leave to the Cape and died at sea on
December 27, 1818. During the short time he was at Cochin
he was instrumental in establishing a school for the Em'asian
and other Christian boys ^ of the station, and raising money for
its endowment. This fund was afterwards vested in the
Archdeacon of Madras as a corporation sole. He died un-
married.

Frederick White was born in 1783, being the son of Eobert
WTiite of Cambridge. He was educated at Baldock School ;
matriculated at Trinit}'^ College, Cambridge, 1800 ; graduated
B.A. 1805, M.A. 1808. He was the last of the six Chaplains
appointed to Madras in 1816. His appointment was made
under unusual circumstances. He entered the Royal Navy as
a Chaplain, and accompanied Admiral Sir George Burlton to
India on board H.M.S. Cornwallis. Sir George died in 1815,
and WTiite petitioned the Eight Hon. Hugh Elliot, Governor
of Fort St. George, to be appointed a Chaplain on the Madras
establishment. The Governor forwarded the petition to the
Chairman of the Company ; and the Directors,- ' out of regard
to Mr. Elliot and as a special mark of our favour,' appointed
Mr. White to succeed to the first vacancy on the Madras estab-
lishment, subject to the approbation of the Bishop of London.
This involved the necessity of Mr. White going to England and
then waiting an indefinite time. The appointment was not
accepted.

Joseph IFn^/ii matriculated at St. John's College, Cambridge,
in 1815. He is described in the College entrance book as

1 The Church in Madras, i. 245. - Despatch, Aug. 28, 1816, Mil.

THE CHAPLAINS, 1805 TO 1835 371

Middlesexiensis. He graduated B.A. in 1819, and in 1821 was
appointed a Chaplain. After serving at Masulipatam for a
year he went to Trichinopoly in 1823 and remained tliere till
1830. Here he was instrumental in having the Vestry School
moved from the Fort to Puttur, and in saving the Vestry
Fund, which was originally raised for the support of the Vestry
School, from being used for mission purposes. After a year
at Poonamallee he was gazetted to Bangalore in 1832 and there
he remained till his retirement in 1837. At Bangalore he was
active in the cause of Eurasian education, as he had been at
Trichinopoly. He founded the Cantonment Girls' School, which
maintained a high character as a place of education until it
was superseded by the Bishop Cotton Girls' School in a more
open and favourable position. His effort in 1836 to get St.
Mark's Church enlarged, or rebuilt at the east end of the
Parade Ground, was not successful. He died soon after his
retirement.

John Owen Parr was born in 1799, being the son of John
Parr of Bloomsbury, ' near London.' He matriculated at
Brasenose College,Oxford, 1815, and was elected to a scholarship.
He graduated B.A. 1818 ; was ordained 1821, and was appointed
a Chaplain the same year. He served at the Presidency one
year only and then returned home. He became Vicar of
Durnford in Wilts in 1824 ; proceeded M.A. in 1830 ; Vicar of
Preston in Lancashire in 1840 ; Honorary Canon of Manchester
1853 ; and died in 1877.

Cliristopher Jeaffreson matriculated at Pembroke College,
Cambridge, and graduated B.A. in 1816. He proceeded M.A.
in 1828 when on furlough. He was appointed a Chaplain in
1821. He served at Quilon seven years. After his return from
furlough he was sent to the Central Provinces, and was Chaplain
to the Nagpore garrison at Kamptee for eight years. After that
he served at Jaulnah for a year, and then finished his service
at Cannanore on the west coast. He retired in 1839; He
became Chaplain to the Edmonton Union in 1846, and retained
this appointment till his death in 1870.

Pointz Stewart was born in 1797, being the eldest son of
Pointz Stewart of Hartley Court in the county of Berks. He
was educated at Edinburgh under the Eev. J. Porteous ;

2 E 2

372 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

matriculated at Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, 1814 ;
graduated B.A. 1819 ; and appointed a Chaplain in 1821.
During his service he assumed the additional name of Seymour
before his surname. He died at Arcot in 1834. During his
twelve years of service he was at six different stations ; this
was an unusual number in days when travelling was more
difficult and more costly than it has since become. Some men
like to be left in a station as long as possible, that they may
be allowed to see some result of their labours. Some like changes
and are always ready to see new places. The unmarried move
about more easily than the married, so that as a rule they are
called upon to fill acting appointments rendered vacant by
unlooked-for circumstances. Stewart served at St. Thomas'
Mount, Bellary, Belgaum, Quilon, Cannanore, and Arcot.

Richard William Moorsom was born in 1795, being the son
of William Moorsom of Scarborough. He was educated at
St. Peter's School, York ; matriculated at Queen's College,
Cambridge, 1817, where he resided four terms. He then
migrated to Jesus College, which he entered as a Fellow Com-
moner in December 1818 ; graduated B.A. 1821 ; appointed a
Chaplain 1822. After serving four years at Masulipatam he
was promoted to be Junior Presidency Chaplain in 1826. At
the end of another four years his health gave way and he had
to take sick leave and a sea voyage. He died at sea on the
voyage to Mauritius in May 1830. He was unmarried.

Robert Ahercromhie Denton was born in 1798 near London.
He was educated at Eton ; admitted a Scholar of King's
College, Cambridge, 1816 ; awarded the Betham scholarship in
1817 ; graduated in honours B.A. 1821, and elected Fellow of
King's. He proceeded to M.A. on retirement from the Com-
pany's Service in 1839. He was ordained in 1822 and appointed
a Chaplain in 1823. He served at Black Town, Madras, 1824 to
1828 ; Penang 1828 to 1830 ; Fort St. George 1830 to 1839.
On retirement he returned to King's College and was Bursar
from 1840 to 1844, when he accepted the college living of
Stower Provost with Todbere in the county of Dorset, and
married. He died at Stower Provost in 1857, leaving a
widow.

Denton was at Fort St. George during a critical period in

THE CHAPLAINS, 1805 TO 1835 373

the history of the St. Mary's Vestry Fund. In 1806 the
administration of the fund was taken out of the hands of the
Vestry by the decision of the High Court, which decreed with
legal accuracy that there was no such thing as a Vestry in
India. The Government took charge of the fund and asked
the Directors how they were to dispose of it. For the next
quarter of a century the Government regarded the fund as more
or less in Chancery. They doled out sufficient money monthly
to pay the establishment of the Church and the school, and
to keep the school going as it was, without allowing it either
to decrease or increase. Denton respectfully represented the
propriety of spending the whole income of the fund on the
special objects for which it had been raised, in the same way
as had been done in the previous century. The Government
were agreeable, but they seem to have been afraid of the new
High Court and the lawyers it had brought with it. Denton's
representations were referred to the Government of India, ^
and the question was referred home to the law officers of the
Company and the Crown. Meanwhile the school buildings on
the Fort were repaired out of the fund in 1831 ; - the number
of boys was kept up to fifty ; St. Mary's Church was repaired
at the expense of the fund in 1834; and the establishments of
the Church and the school were re-arranged. ^^ After some
delay Denton's contention was acceptedj't and the fund has
ever since been applied to the objects for which it was got
together.

Denton was active in all matters connected with the educa-
tion of Europeans and Eurasians. In this he was following the
example of all former Chaplains ; all his successors similarly
walked in their footsteps. Besides being in charge of the St.
Mary's School, he was also in spiritual charge of the Military
Male Orphan Asylum at Egmore. He was keenly interested
in the appearance of the St. Mary's burial-ground, and he per-
suaded the Government to spend some money over the resting-
place of the European officers and men of former times. His

' Letter, Aug. 21, 1835, 8, Eccl. ; Despatch. March 30, 1836, 10, Eccl.
■ Despatch, Oct. 9, 1833, 18, Eccl.
■■» Despatch, March 18. 1835. 10, Eccl.
4 Despatch, July 10, 1839, 11, Eccl.

374 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

influence in Madras was always good, and he helped on all good
causes with unsparing zeal.

The office of Archdeacon became vacant in 1836. There
were four good men in the diocese at the time, all of whom
would have adorned the post — Harper, Spring, Wright, and
Denton. Harper was the senior and was appointed, and the
chance of promotion was lost to the others.

James' Boys w\as horn in 1794, being the son of John Boys
of Betshanger in the county of Kent. He matriculated at
Wadham College, Oxford, 1811 ; graduated B.A. 1815, M.A.
1818 ; appointed a Chaplain 1823. He served at Wallajahbad
in 1824 and suffered there in health like other Europeans ; from
1825 to 1829 he was Chaplain of Secunderabad. In the latter
year he was invalided home. He stopped at St. Helena on
the way, and filled a vacancy as Chaplain for two years ; he
then returned to England and retired in 1833. He was pre-
sented to the Rectory of St. Mary in the Marsh, New Romney,
by the Archbishop of Canterbury in 1836 ; and he became
Rector of Biddenden, Kent, in 1841. There he died in 1882.

John HalJcwell was born in 1795, being the son of the Rev.
John Hallewell, Vicar of Boroughbridge in the county of York.
He was educated at Thorp Arch School, under the Rev. John
Peers. He matriculated at Christ's College, Cambridge, 1813 ;
was elected to a scholarship 1815 ; graduated B.A. in honours
(twenty-seventh wrangler) 1818 ; M.A. 1821 ; elected Fellow
of Christ's 1818 ; ordained 1820 ; curate of St. Andrew's, Cam-
bridge, 1821 ; prelector and junior Dean 1821 ; appointed
Chaplain 1823. He served at St. Thomas' Mount three years,
Fort St. George one year. Black Town one year, and Cuddalore
ten years (1829 to 1839),Avhen he returned to England and
retired. In 1844 he was presented by the Lord Chancellor to
the Rectory of Chillenden in Kent. This he resigned in 1853,
and took up his residence at Stroud in Gloucestershire, where he
died in 1871.

Henry Allen was born in 1797, being the son of James Allen
of Lymington in Hampshire. He matriculated at Trinity
College, Oxford, 1815 ; graduated B.A. 1822 ; appointed a
Chaplain 1823. On arrival at Madras he was gazetted to
Cuddalore. Rosen was then in charge of the old S.P.C.K.

THE CHAPLAINS, 1805 TO 1835 375

Mission.^ Both used the mission Church for their rehgious
purposes, and Allen showed the best possible spirit towards
Rosen and his missionary work. Allen died at Cuddalore in
January 1829, much regretted by the European and the
native Christian community. A tablet was put up to his
memory in the old mission Church. He left a widow, who
married Mr. F. A. West of the Madras Civil Service in 1831.

Edward Page Lewis was born in 1802, being the younger
son of Thomas Lewis, M.D., of London, and a brother of the
Rev. Thomas Lewis who was appointed a Chaplain in 1815.
E. P. Lewis was educated at Ealing School under Dr. Nicholas ;
he matriculated at Caius College, Cambridge, 1819 ; graduated
B.A. 1823, and M.A. when on furlough from India in 1835.
He was ordained priest in London 1824, his title being a Chap-
laincy in India. This was the case with several others at this
period. He was appointed a Chaplain in 1825. He served at
Nagpore (Kamptee) five years, at Masulipatam twelve years,
at Trichinopoly one year, and retired in 1844. He married
the widow of the Rev. W. A. Keating, the Chaplain who died
in 1820. His health did not allow him to undertake work in
England. He died at Paddmgton in 1870.

Frederick James Darrah was an Irish clergyman ; he was
described in the India List as a Bachelor of Arts, and on his
memorial tablet in St. Mark's, Madras, he is denominated a
Master of Arts, but it cannot be discovered at what University
he took these degrees. He was appointed m 1826. After work-
ing at Vizagapatam and Secunderabad for seven years, he was
brought to the Presidency on the recommendation of Arch-
deacon Robinson in 1833 to be Chaplain of Black Town. It is
characteristic of the man, and a sufficient proof that he was
active in his ministry, that when he died four years later he was
Chaplain of the Military Female Orphan Asylum, Hon. Sec.
of the S.P.G., President of the Philanthropic Association,
President of the Friend in Need Society, and Chaplain and
educational manager of the Civil Male and Female Orphan
Asylums in Black Town. He was cut off suddenly in the midst
of his activities. His wife died of cholera on September 25,
1837, and he succumbed to the same disease four days later.
1 The Church in Madras, i. 295.

376 THE CHURCH IN JMADRAS

The parishioners erected a tablet to his memory in St. Mark's
Church. In his will he provided for his mother Ann Darrah,
his sister Elizabeth Shanklin, and his two children. One of the
executors was Sir Allen Edward Bellingham ' of Castle Belling-
ham South.'

Charles Kneller Graeme was born in India 1785, being the son
of Charles Graeme of the Bengal Civil Service. He matriculated
at Brasenose College, Oxford, 1802 ; gi-aduated B.A. 1807, M.A.
1810. He was appointed a Chaplain in 1826 at the unusual
age of fortj^-one, and it is worthy of remark that he served his
allotted time for his pension in spite of his age. His stations
were Bangalore (seven years), Quilon (three years), Vizaga-
patam (one year), and Palamcottah (six j^ears). He retired
from the service in 1846. His name is not to be found in any
Clergy List after that date. He died in 1870.

William Thomas Blenkinsop was born in 1802 at Windsor,
being the second son of the Rev. Henry Blenkinsop, minor
canon of St. George's Chapel. He was educated at Eton
College ; matriculated at Lincoln College, Oxford, 1820 ;
graduated B.A. from St. Alban's Hall 1824 ; appointed Chap-
lam 1827. He served at St. Thomas' Mount from 1827 to 1844 ;
was Junior Presidency Chaplain at St. George's Cathedral
1844-45 ; Chaplain of Ootacamund 1845-47 ; then he became
Chaplain of Cuddalore and remained there till his retirement
in 1861. The appointment to Cuddalore was probably made
at his own request. Cuddalore was a station with four out-
stations which had to be visited by the Chaplain periodically.
The Directors approved of this system of visitation in 1832,^
and sanctioned an extra allowance to each Chaplain for the
period of such visits to cover the cost of travelling and main-
tenance. The limit of this allowance was Rs.200 a month.
The allowance was a matter of importance to Blenkinsop, for
he had married twice and had nineteen children. His second
wife was Louisa, third daughter of the Rev. William Chester,
Chaplain of Vizagapatam. Two of his sons were afterwards
well-known officers in the Madras Service. On his retirement
Blenkinsop became Vicar of Little Maplestead, Essex, and
afterwards Rector of Wambrook in Somerset. When he

' Despatch, March 14, 1832, Eccl.

THE CHAPLAINS, 1805 TO 1835 377

retired from active work he settled at Bath, and died there in
1871, aged sixty-nine.

Samuel Harto'p'p Knapp was appointed Chaplain in 1827.
He arrived at the end of that year and was sent to Vellore.
In 1829 he was selected by Bishop Turner to be his Chaplain.
But he fell ill, and before the end of the year had to take sick
leave and go home. He resigned the service in 1830. He
was Eector of Letchworth, Herts, from 1831 to 1858, when he
died.

William Drayton Carter was born in 1796, being the son of
William Grover Carter of Portsmouth. He matriculated at
Magdalen Hall, Oxford, in 1818, but took no degree. Ap-
pointed 1829 ; arrived at Madras at the close of that year ;
but he was not physically strong enough to bear the heat, so
he obtained leave at once and returned to England. His name
was kept on the establishment list for five years according to
rule, to give him the opportunity of changing his mind, and at
the end of that time it was struck off. He was Vicar of Wye,
Kent, from 1836 to 1846 ; Rector of Ridlington, Rutland,
1846 to 1858 ; Vicar of Kirby Moorside, Yorks, 1859 to 1864,
when he died.

Jackson Muspratt Williams was born at Southampton. He
matriculated at Queen's College, Cambridge, 1824 ; graduated
B.A. 1829, and was appointed Chaplain the same year. He
officiated for a short time at Poonamallee, and was then sent
to Vizagapatam. At the end of two years he fell sick, and was
sent to Madras for embarkation for the Cape ; he died on arrival
at Madras on September 3, 1832. He left a widow.

William Sawyer began his Indian career as a missionary.
He was born in 1797 in Yorkshire. Two of his brothers were
mentioned in his will ; one was George Sawyer of Hedon, co.
York, and the other was Robert Henry Sawyer of Staple Inn,
London. In the year 1818, when living at Holme near Rougham,
he offered his services to the C.M.S. for missionary work
abroad. He was accepted, trained, and ordained, and went out
to Madras with his wife in 1822. He was stationed at Peram-
bore, about five miles west of Madras, and had charge of a
mission district which included the cantonments of Poonamallee
and Tripassore. He prosecuted his mission work with great

378 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

zeal, and built chapels for his converts at all three stations.
He also ministered to the British soldiers and their families
at Poonamallee and Tripassore during the absence of the
Chaplain. His zeal attracted the notice of Archdeacon Robin-
son, who recommended the Directors to take him into their
service. He Avent home in the spring of 1829, and after an
interview with the Directors and the Bishop of London he
was appointed to a Chaplaincy. He arrived at Madras in
July 1830. In the following November Bishop Turner visited
the southern Presidency, and appointed Sawyer as his domestic
Chaplain during his visitation of the mission stations. This
was due to Sawyer's knowledge of Tamil. The Bishop arrived
at Ootacamunci in December 1830, and recommended the
Government to appoint Sawyer Chaplain of that station. He
became the fn-st Chaplain of Ootacamund. He was the second
missionary taken into the service of the Company.i He died
at Ootacamund in January 1832. He married twice and left
a widow and a daughter. In his will he directed that his
house, garden, land, and Church built thereon at Perambore
should be sold for the benefit of his widow and child. There
is no record to show how the chapel erected in the name of the
C.M.S. at Perambore became his private property.

William John Aislahie was born in London in 1805, being
the son of Benjamin Aislabie. He was educated at Eton ;
matriculated at Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1826 ; graduated
in honours B.A. 1830 ; and won the Tyrwhitt Hebrew scholar-
ship the same year. He was appointed Chaplain 1830. He
served at Secunderabad from 1831 to 1834, when he obtained
an appointment in Van Diemen's Land and left India.^ He was
appointed Rector of Alpheton in Suffolk in 1848, andjretained
the appointment till his death in 1876.

Hennj William Stuart was born at Lincoln. He matricu-
lated at Queen's College, Cambridge, in 1824 ; graduated B.A.
in 1830 ; and was appointed a Chaplain in 1831. He served at
Vepery 1832-34 ; Bangalore 1834-37 ; Ootacamund 1837-43 ;
Trichinopoly 1843-46 ; Senior Presidency Chaplain at St.
George's Cathedral 1846-47, when he retired. He lived for

1 A. T. Clarke was the first ; The Church in Madras, i. 686.
- Despatch, March 19, 1839, Eccl.

THE CHAPLAINS, 1805 TO 1S35 379

the next six years in Bath, and then became Vicar of Northaw
in Hertfordshire. He died in 1857.

John Cliallice Street belonged to the county of Devon. He
matriculated at Queen's College, Cambridge, in 1827, and gradu-
ated B.A. in 1831. He obtained a Chaplaincy the same year,
and went out to India with his college friend, H. W. Stuart.
He served at Cannanore four years, at Vizagapatam six years,
and at six other stations for short periods. He retired in 1854.
In the following year he became Vicar of St. Andrew's,
Plymouth ; this charge he resigned in 1868 ; he died in 1871.

George James Cubitt was born in 1804, being the son of the
Eev. John Cubitt, Eector of South Kepps, co. Norfolk. He
was educated at Norwich under Dr. Valpy ; matriculated at
Caius College, Cambridge, 1823 ; graduated B.A. 1827, and M.A.
1832. He was ordained priest at Norwich in 1829, and was
appointed Chaplain in 1832. He served for short periods at
Bellary, Vepery, and Bangalore until 1839, when he returned to
England and retired from the Company's Service. When at
Bellary, in 1834, he pubhshed a pastoral letter to his parishioners,
which was affectionate and earnest in tone. In 1838 he and
the Eev. George Trevor were the joint authors of a similar
pastoral letter to their parishioners at Bangalore. In this
letter they strongly recommended lay baptism to European and
Eurasian parents in isolated stations ; they urged that in cases
of necessity parents should baptise their children themselves,
and report the act to the nearest Chaplain, rather than leave
the children unbaptised, or take them to strange ministers of
doubtful faith. He married at Madras in 1834 a daughter of
Colonel Garrard. In 1844 he became Eector of St. Thomas',
Winchester. He published a volume of sermons preached at
Winchester in 1849. He was greatly interested in mission
work, and was a valuable and valued member of the C.M.S.
Committee till his death in 1855. In his younger days he was
a vigorous and popular preacher.

At Winchester he found that St. Thomas' Church was too
small for the needs of the parish, and he was instrumental in
building the present handsome structure. When he died the
Church was complete with the exception of the tower and spire.
The feeling roused in Winchester by his sudden death was so

380 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

strong that the parishioners and others decided to finish what
they considered to be his work as a memorial of him. They also
erected a tablet in the Church recording their appreciation
of him. Cubitt was Chaplain of the troops at Winchester as
well as Rector of St. Thomas'.

Vinceni Sliortland was born in Oxfordshire. He entered
as a Fellow Commoner at St. Catherine's College, Cambridge,
in 1830, but left the University without taking a degree. This
he afterwards regretted, and in 1842, during his first furlough
from India, he passed the necessary theological examination
and took the degree of B.D. He obtained a Chaplaincy in 1832,
and arrived at Madras in 1833. During the next seven years
he served for short periods at Trichinopoly, Bellary, Bangalore,
Quilon, and Yizagapatam. At Trichinopoly and Bangalore
he left voluminous con-espondence in the Letter Books, for at
both stations he had to contend. He was not by choice a
contentious man, but he found at those two stations certain
conditions which he was convinced ought to be contended
against. He was gifted with the art of expressing himself with
elegance, ease, and moderation, so that his letters are models
of contention. On returning from furlough in 1843 he was
posted to St. Thomas' Mount, and came under the special
notice of Bishop Spencer. By him he was appointed Arch-
deacon in 1847, and he retained this office till his retirement
in 1859. On his return to England he did not undertake any
regular cure of souls. He lived in Guernsey and died there
in 1890.

William CI tester was born in 1787. He was a descendant
of Sir Robert Chester, owner of the manor of Cockerhatch in the
county of Herts. His father, William Chester, who died in
1812, married a daughter of Henry Seymor, who owned property
in the county of Dorset. William Chester married Marj^
Anne Harcourt, and had eleven children before he entered the
service of the East India Company in 1833. He was instituted
to the Rectory of Walpole in the county of Norfolk in 1824, but
there is no local evidence that he ever resided there. He was
permitted apparently to appoint a curate to carry on the
parochial work. On arrival at Madras he was sent to Yizaga-
patam, and there he died in 1836. He was accompanied to

THE CHAPLAINS, 1805 TO 1835 381

India by his wife and seven of his children. Some of these
were afterwards well known in the Presidency. One son was
in the Madras Civil Service ; another was in the Madras army ;
four of the daughters married officers in the Company's Service,
one of them being the wife of the Kev. W. T. Blenkinsop. It
must be presumed that it was for the benefit of his family that
he took the serious risk of commencing life in the tropics at the
age of forty-six.

George Willia7n MaJion was born in 1808, being the only son
of William Mahon of Swansea. He matriculated at Pembroke
College, Oxford, in 1824, and was elected a scholar the same
year. He graduated B.A. m honours 1828 and was elected to a
Fellowship, which he held till 1837, and proceeded M.A. 1831.
He was appointed a Chaplain in 1834. Htiving served at St.
Thomas' Mount, Bangalore, and Black Town for short periods,
he became Garrison Chaplain of Fort St. George in 1839. He
retained this position till he was removed from it in 1849 over
a case of suicide, so deliberate that there was in his opinion
no question of insanity, and therefore no obligation to conduct
the solemn burial office of the Church. Vincent Shortland's
case at Bangalore was a precisely similar one. In both cases
the Chaplains suffered, but their suffering bore fruit ; for it was
soon afterwards ruled that the insanity of a suicide must be
tested by evidence before a properly constituted court of
inquiry. Mahon took furlough on his removal from the Fort
and went home. He retired from the Service in 1852. He
translated ' Beschi's Tamil Grammar ' in 1848, and published
a ' Guide to the Sculptures at Mamallaipur ' (seven Pagodas),
with a learned introduction, in 1869. Mahon was an Irishman
by descent, and had the special affection of an Irish Churchman
for the word Protestant. He altered the name of the St. Mary's
Vestry School to that of the Protestant Orphanage, but the
name did not last longer than his term of office. After his
retirement he lived at x\spley, Woburn, Bedfordshire, where
he died in 1866.

John McEvoij was born in 1789, being the son of Andrew
McEvoy, a merchant of King's County. He matriculated at
Trinity College, Dublin, in 1806, and graduated B.A. in 1813.
He was admitted a member of St. John's College, Cambridge,

382 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

in 1825, and was granted the ad eundem degree of M.A. in the
University in 1826. He was appointed a Chaplain in 1834 at
the age of forty-five. His first station was Secimderabad, with
the duty of visiting Jauhiah occasionally. Here he stayed seven
years, and was uistrnniental in carrying out some necessary
alterations and hnprovenients in the Church. In 1841 he was
transferred to the Nagpore cantonment, known to soldiers
then and smce as Kamptee. There he remained till 1851, when
his health broke down. He died at sea in July of that year
on his way home. He married a daughter of William Tucker
of Westminster, and left three sons and a daughter.

Henri) Deane was born 1807, being the son of WilHam Deane
of Stretton, Suffolk. He matriculated at Exeter College, Oxford,
1825 ; graduated B.A. 1829, M.A. 1834 ; and in the same year
was appointed a Chaplain. He had only three stations during
his service, Trichinopoly, Cannanore, and Ootacamund. This
enabled him to do some really effective work in the cause of
Eurasian education, in which he greatly interested himself.
At Trichuiopoly he brought the Vestry School to a high state
of efficiency. In 1855 he became Rector of Hintlesham in
Suffolk, and remamed there till 1870. He married at Trichin-
opoly, in 1840, Am-ora Cavendish Lewis, and had a family ; one
of the sons afterwards obtamed a commission in the Madras
Cavalry. He died ui 1891, aged eighty-four.

William Tomes was born 1786, being the son of John Tomes
of Dublin. He matriculated at Trinity College, Dublin, in 1805 ;
was elected to a scholarship 1809 ; graduated B.A. 1811 ; and
appointed a Chaplain in 1835 at the age of forty-nine. On
arrival at Madras he was sent to Arcot ; he had to visit the out-
stations of Arnee and Wallajahbad. Here he remained from
1836 to 1839, when he was transferred to Secmiderabad. He
did not live through the year. Like some others at this period
he began life in the tropics at too advanced an age ; he suc-
cumbed to the climate in October 1839, leaving a widow.

Henry Cotterill was born in 1811, being the son of the Rev.
Joseph Cotterill, Rector of Blakeney, Norfolk. He matricu-
lated at St. John's College, Cambridge, 1829. His name was
taken off the books shortly afterwards, but he was re-admitted
in February 1881. In the following year he obtained the Bell

THE CHAPLAINS, 1805 TO 1835 383

scholarship. In 1835 he graduated B.A., being senior wrangler,
first Smith prizeman, and ninth classic, and was elected to a
Fellowship. He graduated M.A. 1836, and was appointed a
Chaplain the same year. From the time of his arrival at Madras
till 1845, that is for nine years, he was Chaplain of Vepery.
He then returned to England and retired from the Company's
Service. In 1846 he was appointed Vice-Principal of Brighton
College ; in 1851 Principal. He was consecrated Bishop of
Grahamstown in 1856, and translated to Edinburgh in 1872.
His life out of India has been recorded in the ' Dictionary of
National Biography.' It is sufficient to mention here that his
ministrations at Vepery were very acceptable to the parish.
The services of the Church were frequent and crowded. The
building was intended for native Christians as well as Euro-
peans. Cotterill's popularity had the effect of ousting the
former from their fair share in the use of the Church. The
missionary of course complained, and the final result was that
a separate building for the native Christians was erected. ^
This was largely due to Cotterill's initiative. He married
before going to India.

George Trevor was born in 1809, being the sixth son of Charles
Trevor of Bridgwater. From 1825 to 1835 he was in the service
of the East India Company at the India House, London. In
1832, while still holding this appointment, he matriculated at
Magdalen Hall, Oxford, and was allowed by the Directors to
keep his terms. At Oxford he was a prominent speaker at the
Union, and succeeded Mr. Gladstone as leader of the House.
His literary work began in 1833 with contributions to Black-
wood's Magazine, which were highly esteemed by the editor.
In 1835 he resigned his post at the India House, and was
ordained. In the following year the Directors appointed him
a Chaplain on their Madras estabhshment. He served with
Cotterill as joint Chaplain of Vepery for two years. No
wonder the services of the Church were crowded. Then he
was posted to Bangalore and remained there seven years. He
returned to England in 1845, and retired from the Company's
Service, which he had adorned for twenty years. In 1839 he
published a volume of sermons preached at Vepery. In 1844

^ The Church in Madras, i. 577.

384 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

he published a sermon preached at St. Mark's, Bangalore, at the
parade service of the 2nd European Jjight Infantr}-. The
same year he preached the Ordination sermon at Ootacamund,
and this was published at the request of Bishop Spencer. The
last sermon he preached in India was at St. George's Cathedral,
Madras, before the Governor, when he ventured to deprecate
strongly, though in restrained language, the exclusion of the
Bible from the system of public education, which was at the
time in its infanc}'. Ho would have made the study of it
optional ; he would not have excluded it.

When at Bangalore he revived and refounded the Tamil
^Mission, which had been originated by the Eev. William
Thomas twenty years before. Trevor was under the impres-
sion that he founded the mission, and said so in the pamphlet
called ' The Company's Eaj.' This statement has been
embodied in the * Dictionary of National Biography.' What
happened was this. The mission consisted of a Catechist and
a schoolmaster, who worked under the Chaplain's supervision.
The native congregation worshipped at St. Mark's ; the
Catechist conducted the service. The baptisms, &c., of converts
were entered in the St. Mark's register books. Notwithstanding
his heavy civil and military duties, Trevor took an active part
in the missionary work, and baptised a good many converts
himself. This use of the Government register books and the
Church was objected to, as seeming to involve the Government
in the work of missionary endeavour. Trevor thereupon ob-
tained a site for a separate Church and school buildings for the
native congregation from Sir Mark Cubbon, the Chief Com-
missioner in Mysore, and raised the money to build them.
The Church was consecrated in 1844 by Bishop Spencer and
named in honour of St. Paul. The service was attended by
Sir Mark Cubbon ; Lord Gough, who commanded the Bangalore
Division ; and the chief civil and military officers of the station.
The new Church was provided with register books of its own.
On his return to England he graduated B.A. at Oxford in 1846
and M.A. in 1847. He took many opportunities in later
years of defending and explaining the missionary policy of the
Company. In his last sermon at Madras Cathedral he referred
to the Queen's declaration of non-interference with the religions

THE CHAPLAINS, 1805 TO 1835 385

of the people of India, and said that it was likely to prove more
injurious than a declaration of neutrality would have been.

In 1847 he became Vicar of All Saints, York, and in 1848 was
made Canon of York Cathedral. From that time till his death
in 1888 he had a distinguished career, which is related in the
' Dictionary of National Biography.'

His principal works connected with India are ' The Com-
pany's Kaj ' (1858) ; ' India, its Natives and Missions ' (1859).
At the time the government of India was transferred to the
Crown, a number of articles, pamphlets, and booklets appeared
containing harsh and unjust judgments of the policy, the
procedure, and even the probity of the East India Company.
Canon Trevor defended the Company warmly and with per-
suasive ability.

Of the fifty-seven Chaplains appointed between 1805 and
1835 twenty-two died in India. This number would have been
less if it had not been for the appointment of some men in the
third decade, too old to commence life in the tropics. Six
were Fellows of colleges at Oxford or Cambridge ; several others
graduated in honours. Of the rest one distinguished himself
as an historian. Hough ; and another, Trevor, as a controversia-
Hst and Christian apologist. The latter was a Canon of York.
Eight of the Chaplains appointed left their University without
taking a degree ; three were not members of any University.
On the whole the Directors selected their Chaplains with care
and consideration. They were probably influenced by the
knowledge that their nominees had to be approved by the
Archbishop of Canterbury or by the Bishop of London or both.
In the seventeenth century the Directors were their own
' triers ' ; they submitted all tests themselves. In the nine-
teenth century they contented themselves with finding men of
good education and manners, and left all theological tests to
the episcopal authorities. In consequence they were able to
obtain excellent men for their different estabhshments in
India.

Up to 1790 all the Chaplains were on the civil estabhshment.
From that date until 1817, when a separate ecclesiastical

VOL. n. 2 c

386 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

establishment was formed, some of the Chaplains were on the
civil establishment and some on the military, according to
their emplo3'ment. After 1817 they were included in one list
for purposes of leave, pay, promotion, &c., and formed the
ecclesiastical establishment of the Presidency. They were
known as the Company's Chaplains, and wrote H.E.I.C.S.
after their names like others in the Company's Service.

There were no clergymen in the Archdeaconry before 1835,
except the Chaplains and the missionaries. There were no
railwa3's, mines, nor plantations, and no extra clergymen were
required, such as are now imported to minister to the Europeans
and Eurasians engaged in these industries.

CHAPTER XX

THE MISSIONARIES

The S.P.C.K. 1805 to 1835

In the year 1805 the following S.P.C.K. missionaries were
carrying on the work of the Society : Pohle at Trichinopoly ;
Kohlhoff at Tanjore ; Holtzberg at Cuddalore ; Horst at
Tanjore ; and Paezold at Madras. These have been already
mentioned.! Subsequently the following appointments were
made :

William Tobias Bingeltauhe was born m Silesia 1770 ;
educated at Halle ; ordained according to the Lutheran rite
at Wernigerode 1796 ; recommended to and accepted by the
S.P.C.K. in 1797, in which year he and Holtzberg were charged
by the Eev. John Owen at the S.P.C.K. office before their
departure for India. Ringeltaube went to Calcutta and was
welcomed by David Brown the Chaplain. There he remained
less than two years, and returned to Europe in 1799 to the great
disappointment of the S.P.C.K.^ He then associated himself
with the Moravians, and in 1803 offered his services to the
L.M.S. and was accepted. He arrived at Tranquebar in
July 1804 and remained there till January 1806. His stay
was not a happy one, for he had as great a difficulty in
living at peace with the Tranquebar missionaries as he had
had at Calcutta with David Brown. He was then per-
suaded by Kohlhoff, the head of the S.P.C.K. Mission at
Tanjore, to take charge of the Palamcottah Mission in Tinne-
velly, where a European missionary was urgently required.
This move placed him again on the staff of the S.P.C.K. He

* The Church in Madras, vol. i.

2 Hyde's Parochial Annals of Bengal, p. 253.

2 c 2

388 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

tried to fulfil his duties,^ but his position was difficult if not
impossible. He was a Moravian, subject nominally to the
L.M.S., at that thne an interdenominational society, and
actual^ subject to Kohlhoff of Tanjore, a Lutheran in the
service of the S.P.C.K. At the same time Eingeltaube was a
man of great mdependence of mind and character. At Palam-
cottah he did his work well, and made no attempt to puzzle
the native Christians by foundmg a new society. In 1807
he left Palamcottah and went to Travancore, where he was free
of the S.P.C.K. and its limitations. There he laid the founda-
tion of a strong L.M.S. Mission, with the assistance of one of his
Palamcottah converts named Vedamanickam. He remained
in Travancore, prmcipally at Maziladi, till 1815, when he
returned to Madras with liver complaint in an advanced stage.
There he met William Taylor and Marmaduke Thompson the
Chaplain, who were impressed with his wild unconventionality
and eccentricity as well as by his missionary zeal and Christian
conversation. He then sailed to Colombo with a view to
embark on a sea voyage to the Cape. As there was no ship
going in that direction, he sailed for Malacca and was not again
heard of. Probably he died and was buried at sea. His
monument was in the hearts of his Travancore converts, who
looked kindly on his peculiarities, and understood him next best
to his own family. (Fenger, Hough, Taylor, Hyde, and articles
in the Madras Mail, March 1905.)

Christian Augustin Jacobi was born in Saxony, 1791 ; he
was educated at Leipzig and Halle ; ordained by the Bishop of
Zealand at Copenhagen in 1812 ; accepted by the S.P.C.K.
in 1813 ; arrived at Tanjore in that year ; and died there in
February 1814.

John Peter Bottler was born at Strasburg in 1749 ; he was
educated at his native place ; he arrived at Tranquebar in 1776
and remained there till 1806. He then went to Madras as
trustee of the Gericke Fund to manage the financial concerns
of the mission. Though unconnected with the S.P.C.K. until
1817, he found mission work m the Presidency town, and was
placed in charge of the Black Town congregation. His work
and counsel were so valuable that the District Committee of the

' The Church in Madras, i. 633.

THE MISSIONARIES 389

S.P.C.K. recommended that he should be permanently employed
by the Society. He worked in the Vepery Mission for nineteen
years and died in 1836, aged eighty-seven. A tablet in Vepery
Church records his work and his many virtues. This was put
up by public subscription in Madras ; the S.P.G. added £25
at the request of Mr. E. Clarke. He was an eminent botanist
as well as a linguist, grammarian, and translator. His principal
works were a translation of the English Book of Common
Prayer, and a Tamil dictionary. By will he left his valuable
herbarium to the Madras Diocesan Committee of the S.P.G.

J. G. P. Sjperschneider was born at Blankenburg in 1794 ;
educated at Leipzig and Jena ; ordained according to the
Lutheran rite at Halle in 1818 ; accepted by the S.P.C.K. in
1819, in which year he arrived at Tanjore. Although nominally
under Kohlhoff he seems to have had the power of spending the
mission money. This he did lavishly in building a mission
house. No one has heard of the old Tanjore Vestry Fund since
his time. The Madras District Committee were vexed at his
extravagance, and recommended his dismissal. His connection
with the Society was dissolved in 1828. He appealed to be
reinstated, but was refused.

Lawrence Peter Hauhroe was born at Copenhagen in 1791,
where he was also educated. He was ordained by the Bishop of
Zealand in 1818 ; was accepted by the S.P.C.K. in 1819, and
arrived at Madras the same year. There he worked till 1827,
when he was moved to Tanjore in consequence of congregational
disputes in which he took a prominent part.^ He was a zealous
missionary but irritable, and his irritability was probably
increased by the climate of Madras. He died at Tanjore in
1830.

David Bosen was born at Ebeltoft in Denmark in 1791, and
was educated at Copenhagen. He was ordained by the Bishop
of Zealand in 1818 ; was accepted by the S.P.C.K. in 1819, and
arrived at Madras the same year. He began his missionary
work at Trichinopoly, where he remained till 1824. He was
then placed in charge of the mission at Cuddalore, and remained
there till 1829. He was then sent to Palamcottah, and remained

' Taylor's Memoir, pp. 307-1-i. Archdeacon Robinson approved of his
line of action ; but it was considered w ise to move him to another station.

390 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

there till he was appointed head of a Danish colonisation scheme
in the Nicobar Islands. He was accepted by the S.P.G. on the
recommendation of Bishop Wilson of Calcutta, and was sent
to Mudulur in 1834 ; he retm-ned to Europe sick in 1838, and
was gi-anted an allowance of £100 by the S.P.G. during his
sickness. He was appointed Pastor of a parish in Zealand, and
died m 1862. Rosen was a man of intellectual power and of
rationalistic views in his early days. He found it difficult to
live with other men less gifted and less informed than himself,
and he frequently gave offence to his more simple brethren.

Ernest Auguste George Falke was born in Hanover in 1784 ;
he studied at Hehnstadt ; was ordained deacon and priest b}^ the
Bishop of London in 1821 ; arrived in Madras in 1822. He
frequently visited Vellore as an out-station of the Vepery
Mission, and took up his abode there as resident missionary
m 1824. At the end of that year he died of cholera at Vepery,
greatly regretted by all with whom he had come in contact. ^
He left his personal property to the S.P.C.K. Mission.

The C.M.S. 1814 to 1835

In the year 1814, when the first C.M.S. missionary arrived,
the number of S.P.C.K. missionaries in the Carnatic had been
reduced to four by the death of Horst. Paezold was at Madras,
Pohle at Trichinopoly, Kohlhoff at Tanjore, and Holtzberg at
Cuddalore. Dr. Bottler was working at Madras, but he was
unconnected with any society at this time. There had been
two additions to the S.P.C.K. staff since 1805 ; one died and the
other left the Society. Pohle was sixty -nine years of age and
Eottler sixty-five ; the three others were men in the prime of
life.

John Christian Schnarre.^ — Educated at the Berlin
Seminary ; Lutheran orders ; one and a half years under
the Rev. T. Scott in England; 1814 to Madras; 1816 to
Tranquebar; 1820 to Palamcottah ; died there 1820.

Charles Theophilus Ewald Bhenius. — Born 1790 ; Berlin
Seminary ; Lutheran orders ; one and a half years under the
Rev. T. Scott ; 1814 to Madras ; 1820 to Palamcottah, invited

' Taylor's Memoir, p. 290.

THE MISSIONARIES 391

by the Eev. J. Hough ; died at Palamcottah 1838. He was the
author of a Tamil grammar, and various Tamil translations.
His life was written by his son, the Eev. C. J, Ehenius, Chaplain
H.E.I.C.S. Ehenius came into collision with the Society's
Church principles by ordaining pastors in the Lutheran manner,
as the S.P.C.K. missionaries had done in the eighteenth century.
Their necessity was the absence of a Bishop in India ; there was
no such necessity in 1835. He followed his own will, left the
service of the C.M.S., and formed a separate Christian com-
munity in Palamcottah and in the District of Tinnevelly. The
schism was not healed till after the death of Ehenius in 1838.
(See Pettitt's ' Tinnevelly Mission.') He married a Miss Van
Someren. His son became a C.M.S. missionary, and his daughter
married another C.M.S. missionary, J. J. Muller.

Thomas Norto7i. — Born 1780 ; was trained under the Eev.
T, Scott from 1809 to 1813 ; ordained to curacy of St. Saviour's,
York, 1813 ; to Alleppee in Travancore 1815, where he died in
1840. Ke was the first English clergyman in the service of the
C.M.S. in Southern India. He helped to revise the Malayalim
scriptures. He married four times ; one of his sons was a
C.M.S. missionary.

Benjaynin Bailey. — Born 1791 at Dewsbury, Yorks ; was
trained under the Eev. T. Scott from 1812 to 1815 ; ordained
to curacy of Harewood, Yorks, 1815 ; to Cottayam, Travancore,
1816 ; retired 1850. Elected Hon. Life Governor of the C.M.S. ;
Eector of Sheinton, Salop, and Eural Dean 1862 to 1871, when
he died. He was the founder of the Cottayam Mission. He
established the Cottayam Printing Press ; built the Church
which is now the Cathedral ; translated the Bible, the Prayer-
book, and many other books into Malayalim for his missionary
pm-poses. Mrs. Bailey was the first to assist native Syrian
Christian girls to an English education.

Thomas Dawson. — Born 1793 at Wakefield, Yorks ; trained
under the Eev. T. Scott from 1812 to 1815 ; ordained to
curacy of Wetherby, Yorks, 1815 ; to Cochin 1816 ; his health
failed and he had to return 1818 ; he married Bailey's sister ;
died 1828.

The first three English missionaries in southern India in the
service of the C.M.S. were Yorkshiremen.

392 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Bernard E.Sclimidi. — Born 1787 ; educated at the University
of Jena ; Lutheran orders ; 1817 to Mayaveram ; 1820 to
Palamcottah, where he co-operated with Rhenius. His sym-
pathies were with Rhenius in the schism of 1835; he left the
coimtry in 1837 before the schism was healed.

Henry Baker. — Born 1793 at Walton on the Naze, Essex ;
trained imder the Rev. T. Scott at Dewsbury ; ordained at
Gloucester ; went to Travancore 1817 ; died at Cottayam
1866 ; married the niece of the Rev. J. C. Kohlhoff of Tanjore
(S.P.C.K.) Mission, and became the father of missionaries —
one son and three daughters. He translated various books
and pamphlets and tracts into Malayalim.

George Theopliilus Barcnbruck. — Educated at the Berlin
Seminary ; Lutheran orders ; underwent several months'
trahiing in England under the Rev. T. Scott ; 1817 to Madras ;
1823 to Tranquebar ; 1824 to Mayaveram ; 1831 returned home
and retired.

Joseph Fenn. — Born 1790 in the county of Norfolk ; ordained
at Norwich 1816 to the ciu-acy of Pakefield ; 1817 to Cottayam,
where he was first Principal of the College ; 1826 retired ;
became Vicar of Blackheath, and was elected in 1837 an Hon.
Life Governor of the C.M.S. ; died in 1878 ; David Fenn, the
devoted missionary of the C.M.S. in the south of India, was his
son.

James Bidsdalc. — Born 1794 at Hull ; was trained under the
Vicar of Dewsbury ; ordained deacon and priest 1819 ; arrived
at Madras 1820. He had a difficulty in learning Tamil, and
therefore mhiistered to a Eurasian congregation in the John
Pereiras district of Madras. He was instrumental in building
the Church and the school at that place ; he fell a victim to
cholera in 1831.

Isaac Wilso7i. — Born at Hull; trained at Dewsbury and
ordained at York 1820 and 1821 ; arrived at Madras 1821. His
health gave way and he was sent to Tranquebar, and thence to
Bengal for the sea voyage ; died at sea on his way home 1828.

William Sawyer. — Born 1797 at Holme, Yorks. See list
of Chaplains, p. 377.

Joseph Fawcett Beddy. — Born 1795 in Ireland ; educated at
Trinity College, Dublin ; ordained deacon and priest and

THE MISSIONARIES 393

arrived at Madras 1824 ; ministered at Nellore to Europeans,
Eurasians, and native Christians from 1824 to 1826, when his
health gave way and he went home. His wife died on the
voyage. He graduated B.A. 1826, M.A. 1829, and became
Vicar of St. Thomas', Monmouth, in 1832.

Samuel Bidsdale. — Born 1799 at Hull ; trained at Dewsbury
1820 to 1823 ; ordained at York ; arrived at Madras 1824, and
was sent to Cochin, where he ministered to Europeans, Eurasians,
and natives till 1839 ; died at Stoke Newington, near London,
in 1840. He married Juliana Marshall, sister of the Vicar of
St. Bride's, Fleet Street ; she died at Stoke Newington in 1874.

John William Dor an. — Born 1800 in Ireland ; educated at
Trinity College, Dublin ; B.A. 1824 ; ordained and arrived at
Madras 1825 ; succeeded Joseph Femi as Principal of Cottayam
College 1826 ; retired 1830. He took the degree of LL.D.
soon after his return home. From 1834 to 1846 he was Asso-
ciation Secretary of the C.M.S. ; he became Kector of Beeston
St. Lawrence, Norfolk, in 1854 ; and died in 1862. He was the
first graduate missionary of the C.M.S. in the south of India, for
Beddy did not graduate till he had given up mission work.

John Kindlinger. — Born in Austria 1792 ; educated at Basle
Seminary ; joined the Netherlands Missionary Society 1820 ;
transferred to the C.M.S. and stationed at Pulicat 1827. There
he ministered to the Dutch Em-asians and native Christians
till 1829, when he died. He married a Miss Van Someren.

John Christian Wincklcr. — Born at Stuttgart 1800 ; educated
at Basle Seminary ; joined the Netherlands Missionary Society
1823 ; transferred to the C.M.S. 1827, and retired in 1834.

Paul Pacifique Shafjter. — Born in Switzerland 1801 ; edu-
cated at Basle Seminary and the C.M.S. College, Islington ;
arrived at Madras 1827, and stationed at Mayaveram ; Palam-
cottah, 1831 ; left the C.M.S. with Ehenius 1835 ; re-entertained
on the death of Ehenius 1838 ; died at Suviseshapuram in
N. Tinnevelly in 1861. He married a Miss Van Someren.

James Baker Morewood. — Born at Beading 1804 ; educated
at the Beading Grammar School, and the C.M.S. College,
Islington ; ordained at London ; arrived at Madras 1828 ;
took charge of the school at Ootacamund for the children of
missionaries, and commenced the Nilgiri Mission ; resigned 1835.

394 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

He acted as Chaplain of Ootacamimd on the death of Sawyer
in 1832. On his return home he became Chaplain of St.
George's Hospital, London.

Charles Blackman. — Born at Chatham 1801 ; educated at
the C.M.S. College, Islington ; ordained at London ; arrived
at Madras 1830, and appointed headmaster of the school for the
sons of missionaries ; in 1831 he succeeded Sawyer as head of
the Peramboro Mission ; in 1835 he was sent to Palamcottah
to assist Pettitt to restore order in that mission ; returned
home and resigned 1842. He became Vicar of Chesham Bois,
Bucks, and died in 1868.

Joseph Marsh. — Born at Bonsall, Derbyshire, in 1802 ;
educated at the C.M.S. College, Islington ; ordained at London ;
arrived at Madras 1830, and died in 1831. He was head of the
C.M.S. Institution for the Training of Catechists.

Edward Dent. — Eurasian member of a well-known Madras
family ; educated at the Madras Institution for Catechists ;
ordained by Bishop Turner of Calcutta 1830. Before ordination
he worked as a Catechist in Tinnevelly. His connection with
the Society ceased in 1849.

John James Muller. — Born in Wurtemburg 1808 ; educated
at the Basle Seminary and the C.M.S. College, Islington;
ordained deacon at London 1831 ; and arrived at Madras the
same year ; he was sent to Palamcottah to assist Rhenius ;
he left the C.M.S. Mission with Rhenius (whose daughter he
married) in 1835 ; was re-entertained in 1840 ; died at Madras
1843.

Joseph Peet. — Born near London 1802 ; educated at the
C.M.S. College, Islington ; ordained at London ; arrived
at Madras 1833, and was at once appointed Principal of the
Cottayam College in Travancore ; there he remained for over
thirty years, and died in 1865. He translated several works
into Malayalim.

George Pettitt. — Born at Birmingham 1808 ; educated at the
C.M.S. College, Islington ; ordained at London ; arrived at
Madras 1833 ; was sent specially to Palamcottah, and remained
there till he returned home in 1847. His patience and wisdom
were instrumental in healing the schism of Rhenius, He built
the Church. He was the author of ' The Tinnevelly Mission,'

THE MISSIONARIES 395

* Sowing and Reaping,' * Tamil Hymns and Sermons.' In
1856 he became Vicar of St. Jude's, Birmingham ; he died in
1873.

John Tucker was a member of Corpus Christi College,
Oxford, and graduated in honours (double second class) B.A.
1813. He proceeded M.A. in 1817, and was elected Fellow of
his College. After his ordination he was appointed to the
charge of the parish of Southborough in Kent. There he
remained till 1833, when he went to Madras as secretary of the
C.M.S. Corresponding Committee, and Incumbent of the C.M.S.
chapel in Black Town ; he was an attractive preacher.

Jolin Michael Lechler. — Born in Wurtemburg 1807 ; edu-
cated at Basle Seminary, and the C.M.S. College, Islington ;
ordained deacon at London ; arrived at Madras 1833, and sent
to Palamcottah. He sided with Rhenius in 1835, and resigned
his employment under the C.M.S. On the death of Rhenius he
applied to the C.M.S. to be reinstated, but his application was
refused after much consideration. He then joined the L.M.S.

William John Woodcock. — Born in London 1809 ; educated
at the C.M.S. College, Islington ; ordained at London ; arrived
at Madras 1834, and sent at once to Cottayam ; there he
remained till 1837, when he was transferred to Jamaica ; he
afterwards went to Australia and became Archdeacon of
Adelaide.

The S.P.G. 1826 to 1835

When the S.P.G. consented to take over the property and
reinforce the mission work of the S.P.C.K. in 1826, there were
only five S.P.C.K. missionaries in the south of Lidia : namely,
Rottler and Haubroe at Madras ; Kohlhofi: and Sperschneider
at Tanjore ; and Rosen at Cuddalore. Since 1814 three of their
agents had died : Pohle, Paezold, and Holtzberg. They obtained
the services of four other men, Rottler, Haubroe, Sperschneider,
and Falke ; but Falke died in 1824. Of the agents at work in
1826 Rottler was seventy-seven years of age and Kohlhoff
sixty-four ; the others were young men. At the same time
the C.M.S. had eleven agents working in the Archdeaconry.
Six were in the Carnatic : namely, Rhenius and Schmidt at

396 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Palaincottah ; Wilson and Barenbruck in the Tranquebar
portion of the Tanjore District ; Sawj^er and J. Ridsdale in
and around Madras. Their other five missionaries, Norton,
Bailey, Baker, Doran, and S. Eidsdale, were on the west coast.
The S.P.G. appointed the following men :

Daniel Schreyvogel. — ^Born in Bavaria 1777 ; worked in the
Royal Danish ]\Iission at Tranquebar from 1803 to 1826, when
he was accepted by Bishop Heber for work under the S.P.G.
at Trichinopoly. The Society gave him two years' leave on
full pay in 1833. He died in 1840 and was buried at Cuddalore.
There are tablets to his memory both at that place and at
Trichinopoly.

Peter M. D. Wissing was ordained by the Bishop of Zea-
land, and accepted for mission work by the S.P.G. in 1827 ;
arrived at Madras 1828. He declined to be licensed by the
Archdeacon, and was moved from Madras to Vellore in 1830 ;
his health gave way in 1831 and he returned home.

John Heavy side was the fii'st English-born missionary of
the S.P.G. in India ; educated at St. Bees ; when accepted
by the Society in 1829 he was described as of Wakefield in the
county of York. He was ordained deacon at London 1829, and
priest at St. George's Church, Madras, in 1830 ; his appointment
was that of Headmaster of the Vepery Seminary for Catechists.
In 1831 his health failed and he returned to England. He
applied for leave to go back to his work, but the Society refused
on the ground that the climate was too much for him ; but they
recommended him to the Colonial Office for an appointment as
a colonial Chaplain in South Africa. He was sent to Grahams-
town in 1833, and remained there for over a quarter of a
century. During that time he built the Church at Fort
Beaufort ; the S.P.G. contributed £100 towards the cost.

George Bunhar Haugldon. — Born 1808 ; second son of the Eev.
John Haughton of St. Giles', Reading, Berks ; matriculated
at Worcester College, Oxford, 1826 ; B.A. 1829 ; accepted by
the Society 1830 ; ordained at London. He was the first
graduate in the service of the S.P.G. in South India. He arrived
in Madras in 1830, but he was forced by ill health to return to
England in 1831. He was not beneficed on his return home.
He was living at Basingstoke in 1842.

THE MISSIONARIES 397

Adam Compton TJiomjpson ^ was accepted by the S.P.G. in
1830. He was then master of a grammar school at Wooler in
the county of Northumberland ; he submitted testhnonials
from the authorities of the University of Edinburgh, but he
did not graduate there ; he was ordained priest at Tanjore in
January 1835. On arrival he was stationed at Tanjore 1830 ;
Negapatam 1833 ; Headmaster of the Vepery Seminary for
Catechists 1836. He was reheved of this charge by the Madras
Diocesan Committee in 1837 without the sanction of the
Bishop, and the S.P.G. drew their attention to this infringement
of rule. In 1839 he was made secretary of the M.D.C., but
owing to the illness of his wife he returned to England in that
year. The M.D.C. wrote (Secretary, the Eev. G. Knox,
Chaplain) in 1840 to the Society that they did not wish him
to return and resume office. The Standing Committee
acquiesced without impugning his character 3 as a missionary.
They recommended him for a colonial chaplaincy in Australia,
and he did good work at Melbourne from 1840 to 1847.

Charles Calthwp was educated at St. John's College, Cam-
bridge ; graduated B.A. in 1833 ; ordained deacon at London
the same year. On arrival he was stationed at Madras 1833 ;
ordained priest at Madras 1835 ; Tanjore 1836 ; and was
brought back to Madras in 1840 to be Head of the Vepery
Seminary. He died in 1841.

Valentine Daniel Coomhes. — Born in Lidia and educated
at Bishop's College, Calcutta ; accepted by the Society in
1835 on the recommendation of the Bishop of Calcutta ;
ordained deacon at Calcutta 1833 and priest 1835 at Tanjore.
He was stationed at Tanjore 1834 ; Combaconum 1837, where
he died in 1844.

Thomas Carter Simpson. — Educated at the Clergy Orphan
School, which was then near London, and at Bishop's College,
Calcutta, where he was from 1825 to 1828. He was ordained
deacon at Calcutta and priest at Tanjore in January 1835.
He was stationed at Tanjore 1833 ; Trichinopoly 1834 ;
Negapatam 1836-37. He then went to Australia on sick leave.

^ In the records his name is sometimes spelled Thomson.
- The action of the M.D.C. was due to their suspicion that A. C. Thompson's
views were Tractarian.

398 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

On his return to Lidia he was stationed at Calcutta till 1849,
when he returned home owing to ill health.

Edward Jarrett Jones. — Born 1810 ; arrived at Calcutta in
1832 with Bishop Wilson of Calcutta ; was a student at Bishop's
College, Calcutta ; ordained deacon at Calcutta 1833 and
priest at Tanjore 1835. Stationed at Tanjore 1833-34, and
at Cuddalore 1834-42, when he died. It is recorded on the
monument over his grave that he was at the time of his death
domestic missionary Chaplain to the Bishop of Madras. He
ministered at Cuddalore to Europeans and Eurasians whilst
carrymg on his mission work. All joined together in placmg
a tablet in the old Church to his memory and recording ' the
exemplary performance of his pastoral duties,' and his affec-
tionate disposition which ' gained for him the most fihal
love and confidence of his people.'

Dauid Rosen.— Bee the S.P.C.K. list, p. 389.

John Ludovick Irion was a Lutheran minister employed
by the C.M.S. In 1828 the C.M.S. were reducing expenditure,
and consented that Won should be transferred to the S.P.G.,
if required. The transfer was recommended by Archdeacon
Robinson, and the Society consented ' if he has been episco-
pally ordained, or willing to be.' Meanwhile he remained in
Madras as assistant to Dr. Eottler. He was ordained deacon
by Bishop Wilson at Tanjore in January 1835, and priest at
St. George's Church, Madras, on February 18 following. He
was stationed at Nazareth from that date until 1839, when he
went to England on sick leave. Being unable to return through
continued ill health he was pensioned by the Society.

Of the forty-nine missionaries working in the Archdeaconry
of Madras between 1805 and 1835 twenty-seven died in the
country, five were invalided home, and seventeen retired after
various periods of work.

The S.P.C.K. missionaries were mostly trained in German
or Danish Universities.

Of the C.M.S. missionaries one was educated at the Jena
University, three at the Berlin Seminary ; five at the Basle
Seminary ; two came fi'om Trinity College, Dublin ; one from

THE MISSIONARIES 399

Oxford, who was also a Fellow of his college ; and the rest were
either at the C.M.S. College, Islington, or privately trained in
England.

Of the S.P.G. missionaries one was at the Copenhagen
University ; one at St. Bees ; one at Edinburgh ; one was a
graduate of Oxford and one of Cambridge ; and the rest were
either at Bishop's College, Calcutta, or were privately trained in
England.

All alike were men of fair literary standing and of educational
accomplishments.

ArPENDICES

APPENDIX I

NOTES AND CORRECTIONS OF ERRORS IN THE FORMER VOLUME

Page 8. Henry Golding died at Surat in 1620. It was another
clergyman of the same name who became Vicar of Marks Tey in
1633."

Page 9, line 14. Delete the ' not.' Sec ' Notes and Queries/ 9th
S. iii. 285.

Page 182, line 14. For ' Chaplains ' read ' Chaplain.'

Page 218, lines 3-9. In ' The Founding of Fort St. George,' by
W. Foster, there is a letter on p. 16 dated 1661, in which it is stated
that the two French Capucliins were found at Madraspatam when the
English first went there. The story of Hough is different, and is
borne out by Pere Norbert, the Capuchin historian, who says :

' On June 8, 1642, the Portuguese inhabitants of Fort St. George
petitioned the President that F. Ephraim de Nevers, French mission-
ary Capuchin, be appointed as Cure. Andrew Cogan, Thomas
Vinter, and Henry Greenhill thereupon called upon Padre Ephraim
to state his wishes. Padre Ephraim replied that his wish was to be
sent on to Pegu, but that he would submit himself to the Governor's
orders. On the same date the above Council ordered Ephraim to
stay. The Governor added : "Je veux et ordonne que Ton batisse
une Eglise dans un Ueu convenable." ' — ' Memoirs, &c.,' by Pere
Norbert, pp. 93-95, ed. 1742.

Page 219, line 18. See the ' Storia do Mogor,' by Manuchi-Irvine,
iv. 456.

Page 230, note 2. See also ' India Office Records,' Home Series,
Miscellaneous, vol. 59, in which there is a copy of the Decree of the
Congreg. Gen. de Prop. Fide. ' The missionaries Apostoliques,
principally the regular clergy called Theatins, in every part of the
world are subject only to us.'

Page 231, note 7. For ' Cranganore ' read ' Goa.'

Page 246, line 1. Substitute ' which continued until Mr. Duncan
became deranged, and was removed from his office by Archdeacon
Robinson at his Visitation in 1830 ' (Archdeacon's Records).

APPENDIX I 401

Page 255, line 6 from bottom. The inscription is more correctly
this— 'Zion's Kirkes Alter Beqeri Tranquebar Forfoerdiset Anno
1689 Af H. C. Winther i Kiobenhavn.' Alter beqeri is the Altar
cup (beaker).

Page 2bQ, lines 2 to 10. Read ' Blauenhan, Dotter, Pauch.'

Page 256, line 12. Substitute for ' Denmark ' ' the Diocesan
Registry Madras.' When the Venerable H. B. Hyde was Arch-
deacon, the records of the Registrar were overhauled, and many
interesting Dutch, Danish, and English records and documents were
found.

Page 286, line 10 from bottom. Read ' Geister.'

Page 288, line 6. The property consists of about 114 acres of
wet land.

Page 295, line 2 from bottom. For ' Joseph ' write ' George ' ; also
in Index.

Page 296, line U. For ' 1891 ' read ' 1894.'

Page 368, line 10. The burial of Sir Eyre Coote took place
under the gallery. The gallery stood out further in the Church in
those days ; the grave was in a hne with the north and south doors.
See De Rozario's ' Complete Monumental Register,' 1815, p. 194.
Also ' Selections from Calcutta Gazettes,' by Seton Karr, ii. 322.

Page 380, line 7 from bottom. ' Archdeacon ' Leslie. See p. 678.

Page 385, lines 10 and 11 from bottom. For ' southern ' read
' northern ' and for ' north ' read ' south.'

Page 398, line 3. The burial of Colonel Moorhouse took place
under the gallery, close to the spot where Sir Eyre Coote was buried.
See ■ Selections from Calcutta Gazettes,' by Seton Karr, ii. 321,
where the Madras Courier of December 22, 1791, is quoted.

Page 398, line 24. The wife of Governor ElHot was buried by
Bishop Middleton, who had just arrived on his second Visitation
tour. See W. Taylor's ' First Hundred Years,' &c., p. 182.

Page 400. James Wooley. The spelhng of this name has been
altered in course of time. He spelt his name himself with one ' 1.'
Wooley lost his Ufe in a duel at Pondicherry. See ' Selections from
Calcutta Gazettes,' by Seton Karr, ii. 212, 215.

Page 410, line 15. For ' George ' read ' Christopher.'

Page 469, line 11. Read ' Monsignor de Tabraca, whose assistant
was the titular Bishop of DoUche.' This place with a Greek name
was in north-east Syria. Pierre Brigot, titular Bishop of Tabraca,
Vicar Apostolic of Siam, was appointed Superior of the Roman
Catholic Mission at Pondicherry in 1776. He died in 1791. Nicholas
Champenois, titular Bishop of Doliche, was consecrated coadjutor
to Bishop Brigot in 1787, and succeeded him as Superior of the
Pondicherry Mission in 1791. He died at Pondicherry in 1810. See
' Madras R. C. Directory for 1872,' p. 109.

Page 490, line 14. This son, Captain George Frederick Gericke,
died in 1801, aged thirty.

VOL. II. 2 D

402 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Page 504, note. Beside the three portrait painters mentioned,
Smart, Humphrey, and Wheatley, there were four others in India
at about the same period : namely, Zoft'any, who painted Mrs. Warren
Hastings ; Devis, who painted her illustrious husband ; Home ; and
Thomas Hickey. The portrait given by the Rajah to Bishop Middle-
ton is now in the Board Room of the S.P.C.K. at Northumberland
Avenue. It is somewhat different from the portrait engraved in
Pearson's " Life.' As a work of art it occupies a high place.

Pa(je 50G, line 9. For ' 1774 ' read ' 1778.'

Page 518. In the space in the middle of the page should be this
heading : ' The Sullivan Schools.'

Page 555, line 4. The position of the two houses owned by the
Vestry is uncertain. According to the Vestry Minute Book, under
date 1768, one of the houses was in James Street. The position of
James Street is the subject of doubt. On page 100 there is a diagram
of the Fort and its streets as they were in 1687. James Street was
then on the south side of the Fort. In a map dated 1733, which is
reproduced in Mrs. Penny's " History of Fort St. George,' p. 152,
James Street and James Alley disappeared altogether ; James Street
became Church Street. I suggest that this change of nomenclature
was made for poUtical reasons. In 1768 the name James Street
appears again. Whether it was the original James Street, or another
street, is uncertain. Colonel Love, R.E., thinks that it was another
street in the northern part of the Fort.

Page 562. There is a mistake in the diagram of the ' Church
Lodging.' Instead of being separated from the tower of the Church,
as shown in the diagram, the Chaplain's house abutted the tower on
all three sides ; on the west side, entirely ; on the north and south
sides, about one-third of the tower's length.

Page 575, line 10 from bottom. Bishop Heber died on April 3,
1826. St. Matthias', Vepery, was dedicated to God for worship soon
afterwards. At first the two Presidency Chaplains, Roy and
Moorsom, conducted the Enghsh services, and the missionaries
conducted the Tamil and Portuguese services.^

Page bll, line 10. Besides the sum of Rs.27,813 paid for the
building, the Government paid Rs.6500 for the purchase of a site
for the new mission Church. ^

Page 582, line 13 from bottom. ' Diener ' was intended ; but the
Dutch would probably have used another word.

Page 588, line 4. The second explosion at Trichinopoly took
place on February 14, 1772. See Appeiidix II.

Page 588, line 7 jrom bottom. The old Vestry Minute Book was
found among the mission records by the Rev. J. A. Sharrock in
1905. See Appendix II.

' Taylor's First Hundred Years, p. 336.
- Despatch, July 19, 1848, 5, Eccl.

APPENDIX I 403

Page 596, line 10 from bottom. For ' 1807 ' read ' 1811/

Page 598, line 16 from bottom. For ' ordained ' read ' appointed.'
Search has been made for evidence of Fenger's assertion of Schrey-
vogel's ordination, but without success.

Page 599. Delete Note 3.

As to General Matthew Home it is of interest to note that he
served at Manilla under Draper, and at the defence of Fort St. George
in 1758 ; he was the friend and A.D.C. of General Joseph Smith
(' Selections from Calcutta Gazettes,' ii. 505).

Page 602, line 13. For ' 1833 ' read ' 1840.' The rebelhon of
the ruler of Kurnoul took place in 1838.

Page 625, last line. For ' 1826 ' read ' 1828,' and for ' Wessing '
read ' Wissing.'

Page 632, line 7. Jaenicke's headquarters were at Tanjore ;
he itinerated in the Districts of Madura and Tinnevelly ; his diary
is preserved at Tanjore.

Page 634, line 13 from bottom. For ' 1820 ' read ' 1821.'

Page 640, last line. Colonel Martinz was born in 1740 and died in
1810. (See J. J. Cotton's " Inscriptions.') WiHiam Wheatley died
the same year.

Page 642. The chapel built at Ramnad by Colonel Martinz fell
down in 1824, with the exception of the porch. The side walls were
too slender to support the heavy arched roof. (S.P.G. Report, 1826.)
This shows that the pattern was the same as that of Christ Church,
Trichinopoly. It was rebuilt in 1826 at the expense of the Zemiudari
Charity Fund by order of Mr. D. Bannerman, the Sub-Collector,
and was finished by Mr. R. Nelson, his successor. Mr. Rous Peter,
known by the natives as ' the Pandian,' was the Collector of Madura
at the time. The new chapel measured 40 X 20 feet and had a tiled
roof. The porch measured 12 X 15 feet. At the entrance this
inscription was graven on stone :

Repaired from the Charity Fund
of the Zemindari. a.d. 1826.

The cost was Rs.ll50, and the number of Christians in the place
was one hundred.

This was the Church that was pulled down about 1860 to make
room for a better one. The walls of the new Church were raised a
few feet when the missionary, Thomas Henry Suter, died, and the
work was stopped. Nothing was done till 1873, when George Bilhng
went to Ramnad. He raised about 5000 rupees and completed the
building in 1875. A good photograph of it was reproduced in ' The
Steep Ascent,' by Miss Thomas.

Page 663, last line. Robert Tutchin was a Puritan and a ' Trier '
for examining candidates for the Puritan ministry, 1646 (Bayley's
' Civil War in Dorset,' pp. 435, 444).

Page 664, last lines. Patrick Warner's Orders are uncertain.

2 D 2

404 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

His being a Scotchman does not necessarily mean that he was a
Presbyterian.

Page 675, line 3 from bottom. Before the word ' roll ' read
' graduate.' Charles Griffiths matriculated at Hertford College,
Oxford, 1744-45, aged eighteen, being the son of Thomas Griffiths
of Woolaston, Northamptonshire ; but he did not graduate.

Page 680, lines 9 and 10 fro)n bottom. Delete all the words from

■ the chapel ' to ' London ' inclusive. The plate was given to the
episcopal chapel of St. Andrews, N.B., and a duplicate of it was given
to the chapel of the National School, Ely Place, London (see Lawson's

■ Memories of Madras,' p. 214).

Page 681, line 20. For ' George ' read ' Christopher.' From the
' Register of Outgarrisons' preserved at Fort St. George and published
by Mrs. F. Penny (Pollard, Exeter, 1907), it appears that Dr. Wells
was at Vellore in 1789, and at Wallajahbad, Tripassore, Madras,
Vellore, and Caroor in 1790.

Page 681, line 11 from bottom. Delete the words from ' preferred '
to ' fleet ' inclusive. Dr. Wells died at Bangalore at the end of the
year 1791. Urquhart says : ' The Rev. Dr. Wells, a man of the utmost
suavity of manners and genuine piety. He was Chaplain and Pay-
master to the Army in the Field, Chaplain to the Earl of Harecourt,
and to the Hon. Commodore Cornwallis, and Rector of Leigh in the
county of Worcester ' (Urquhart's ' Obituary,' ii. 76).

Page 681. Richard Hall Kerr and Richard Kerr were one and the
same person. By taking the extra name of Hall he made identifica-
tion difficult. He graduated B.A. at Dublin in 1788. Kerr had
a child baptised at Fort St. George in 1800 by name Charles Lewis,
which connects him with the Rev. Lewis Kerr. In the will of the
Rev, John Kerr, R. H. Kerr's cousin, mention is made of Lewis Kerr,
R. H. Kerr's father, and John Kerr's uncle.

Page 682, line 8 from bottom. The date is April 1803.

Page 684, line 7 from bottom. Compare Sullivan's views on
p. 518.

Page 688. James Estcourt Atwood was born in 1758, being the son
of the Rev. Thomas Atwood, Curate and Lecturer of St. Margaret's,
Westminster, and grandson of the Venerable Archdeacon Atwood
of Taunton. His brother George Atwood was a Fellow of Trinity
College, Cambridge (' Encyclop. Brit.').

J. E. Atwood entered Westminster School 1768, and matriculated
at Trinity College, Cambridge, 1775. He is said to have entered the
army in 1780 and served in the 99th Regt. previous to his ordination
in 1783. He became Rector of Saxhngliamin Norfolk, and Chaplain
to the Duke of St. Albans. He died at St. Thomas' Mount in 1810,
and was buried by the Rev. John Kerr. The officers of the Madras
Artillery erected a monument over his grave.

Page 689. Edward Vaughan married secondly Harriette, widow
of Colonel James Colebrooke, C.B., of the Madras Army. On retire-

APPENDIX II

405

ment he lived at Loddiswell House, near Kingsbridge, Devon, and
died there in 1849, leaving a family. The Commission of the Arch-
bishop of Canterbury referred to is mentioned in the following
documents :

Letter, February G, 1810, 296, Pubhc.

Despatch, February 22, 1811, 28, Public

Letter, January 10, 1812, 38, Public.

Despatch, January 29, 1813, 7, Public.

Archdeacon's Act Book under date 1819.

Page 690. Nearly all those Lutheran missionaries were ordained
by the Bishop of Zealand.

Page 691. Gericke is mentioned in Benjamin Heyne's Tour.
Schreyvogel ; for ' ordained ' read ' accepted.' Holtzberg was
Chaplain of the Regiment de Meuron after it came into the
Company's Service (see Letter, February 12, 1806, 239, 240,
Mihtary).

Pafje 692, line 8. For ' 1802 ' read ' 1803.'

Rosen resigned his S.P.C.K. work in 1830 ; he was re-emploved
by the S.P.G. from 1834 to 1838 at Mudulur.

Index. Add :

Baptism bonus, 107

Catechism bonus, 73

Company :

Discouragement of connection
with mission work, 247,
271, 576, 600, 637

Covenant, 439

Croke, Isabella, 399

Cornwallis, Commodore, after-
wards K.C.B. and Naval
C.-in-C, 377

De Meuron, 290

Gericke, Capt. G. F., 490

Knipe, Charles, Major, 177, 302

Morals, 419

Probate of R. C. Wills, 205

Read, Alexander, Capt., 532

Ringeltaube, 633

Roman Catholics :

St. Andrew's, 236, 238, 331,
335, 457
S.P.G. :

European and Eurasian policy
in India, 247-49, 601
Schwartz :

Portraits, 504
Wissing, P.. 625-26

APPENDIX II

THE TRICHINOPOLY VESTRY

The first minute book of the proceedings of the Vestry was found by
the Rev. J. A. Sharrock among the mission records at Christ Church
in the Fort in 1905. The Rev. Joseph Wright, who was Chaplain
of Trichinopoly in 1826, had had access to this book. He had to
contend with Schreyvogel as to the separate existence of the Vestry
Fund and the Mission Fund. He made use of the direct proof which
this book affords.

406 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

The account given in the former vokime i of the origin of the
Vestry Fund and the Vestry School is now found to be correct.
Schwartz had been given 600 pagodas, as has been rehated, for the
benefit of the orphan Eurasiun children. From time to time collec-
tions were made in the garrison for the same purpose. The whole
of the money was in the charge of the Paymaster. Schwartz
managed the school. In February 1771 both he and the officers
desired a meeting of subscribers ' for the settling of collections made
for the benefit of the Poor children.' A meeting took place on March
2.1771. There were present eight military officers, the Paymaster
(a civilian), and Schwartz the Chaplain. It was not a Vestry meet-
ing, there was no Vestry at the time ; there was desire for one, in
order that the parish funds might be properly held and accounted
for, and the concerns of the Church and school administered. Mr.
James Hay, the Paymaster, presented his accounts, which showed a
credit balance of 1021 pagodas, and the gentlemen present resolved
to meet again ' on Monday the 4th of the month for the nominating
and appointing proper Churchwardens for setthng the number of
cliildren to be educated, maiutained and clothed by the said Church
Fund, and also the amount that may be thought necessary to be
allowed for the same.'

They met accordingly ~ and appointed a Vestry, viz. :

Mr. James Hay ) Churchwardens.

Major Edward James I

Captain Robert Kellvl o- ^

n X ■ T> T -n " bidesmen.

Captam P. 1. Povery j

Lieut. James Lambellais, Secretary.

The newly constituted Vestry resolved to maintain ten children
in the Vestry School and appoint two schoolmasters to teach them.
They calculated the cost would be 214 pagodas per annum, and
they reckoned upon meeting this cost by means of the interest on
their capital and by monthly collections in the Church.

This was the origin of the Vestry, the Vestry Fund, and the Vestry
School. The fund and the school had existed from the time of the
first explosion in 1763; but they were not called Vestry Fund and
Vestry School till the Vestry was formally established in 1771.

The Vestry Fund, Uke that at St. Mary's, Fort St. George, was
not intended for the sole purpose of supporting the school. At this
same meeting Mr. Schwartz was asked to give an account of his
expenditure over the furniture '■'> of the Church, in order that he

• Pp. 585 and 588. - Vestry Meeting, March 4, 1771.

•' ' And he [the Rev. Mr. Schwartz] Mill likewise be so good at the same time
to give in an account of whatever other charges he has been at for the sundrj'
things found by him for the use of the said Church, such as tables, benches,
chairs, &c., that the same may be brought to account accordingly.' Nothing
was said about the cost of the building.

APPENDIX II 407

might be repaid. And at the next meeting it was resolved not only
to purchase two houses in the Churchyard for the scliool children,
but to erect a singing gallery at the west end of the Church for the
boys, and to carry out some necessary repairs of the building.

At the same meeting an inventory was made of the furniture of
the Church and recorded in the Minute Book as the property of the
Vestry. It included :

One silver cup. Forty-nine benches.

Two silver plates. Four tables.

Two brass candlesticks. One piece of red silk.

Three couches. Three shades.

Nine chairs. Two side globes.

From this time forward there were regular meetings of the
Vestry whenever they were required. The Vestry Fund was lent
at 12 per cent. ; and the monthly collections were more than sufl&-
cient to defray the cost of the school and to pay the Church
expenses.

The Church building was damaged by the explosion of February
1772, and was repaired at the cost of the Vestry Fund. Following the
example of the St. Mary's Vestry at Fort St. George, the Trichinopoly
Vestry resolved to make a charge of Ils.20 for opening a grave in
the Churchyard, and placing the money to the credit of the Vestry
Fund. The first persons to pay the fee were the executors of Colonel
James Butler.

In 1773 the Church collections averaged 15 pagodas a month.

In 1774 the Vestry had 2000 pagodas invested at 10 per cent.
This enabled them to increase the number of children. They there-
fore took into their care some orphan Eurasian girls, and placed them
in charge of the schoolmasters' wives. In this same year it is
recorded that Mr. Alexander Davidson presented the Church with
two branch chandeliers, and Mr. William Wynch became Cash
Keeper.

In 1775 the number of girls was increased, and it was resolved to
acquaint parents that they must not interfere in any way whatsoever
with their children while in the Charity School without the permission
of the Vestry.

In 1778 Schwartz went to Tanjore and was succeeded by the Rev.
Christian Pohle. Wynch was succeeded as Paymaster by Thomas
Palk, who became Cash Keeper like his predecessors.

In 1782 the Vestry Fund amounted to 2500 pagodas, and it was
invested in the Company's Cash at 10 per cent.

In the first ten years of the school the majority of the children
had German and Swiss names. The Company had in their service
at the time many soldiers of those nationahties. In 1785 the majority
of the children had British names. Some were paid for by their
fathers ; some had no fathers living.

408 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

General Sir Henry Cosby presided at one meeting in 1785, and
General Matthew Home at another.

In 1786 the invested capital amounted to 3300 pagodas. Some
repairs were carried out at the Church and the number of boys was
increased to fourteen. In the follo^ving year the capital was in-
creased to 3600 pagodas ; some more repairs were done at the
Church and the school-house ; the number of the (children was
increased to fifteen, and the domestic staff was added to.

In 1787 the Vestry resolved that in future no children should be
permitted to benefit from the Church Charity unless their relations
consented to let the Vestry have the entire disposal of them, ' as
they are the best judges how to situate them.' And they further
resolved that if any of the parents of the children then in the school
were unwilHng to leave the disposal of the children to the Vestry,
the children should be returned to them.

The disposal of the children has always been a difficulty from the
time Eurasian schools existed. The custom of the Trichinopoly
Vestry was to apprentice them at about the age of fourteen to officers
and their wives. As a rule tlie boys became bandsmen ; some were
apprenticed to the Company's Surgeons, and the girls found
husbands ; but the mothers were not always satisfied with the
arrangements made.

Schwartz and Pohle were missionaries and Chaplains at the
same time. It was certain that without extreme care the property
of the Vestry and the mission would be mixed up. To prevent this
Schwartz went over to Trichinopoly from Tanjore in 1787 and
attended the July Vestry meeting ' in order to clear up some doubts
relative to the disposal of the houses and buildings attached to
the Church,' and laid before the Vestry the following written
explanation :

' The Church was built by the kind subscription of the garrison.
Three different subscriptions were made by which about 2000 pagodas
were collected. Colonel Wood, knowing that that sum would not
suffice to finish the building, particularly if we met with any accident,
contributed privately above 500 pagodas.

' When all was finished I was indebted to Governor Abbeste above
200 pagodas and 40 to Mr. Hay for teak planks and iron, which I paid
from my salary, 19 months.i

' The gentlemen of the Vestry, among whom were Colonel James,
Mr. Hay and Colonel Kelly, proposed to reimburse me from the
Church money ; which offer, though proceeding from kindness, I
did not think proper to accept of. The Vestry thanked me for it in
a minute which accidentally is torn out.3

' Schwartz' salary at that time was £50 a j'ear from the Government as
Chaplain + £50 a year from the S.P.C.K. as missionary. Pagodas 240 = £96.
Possibly 19 is a copyist's error.

- See Vestry, March 4, 1771, p. 400.

APPENDIX II 409

' Having paid off all which I owed I began to repair my house,
having previously obtained permission from His Highness the
Nabob by means of Mr. Boswell.

' Colonel Wood made me a present of timber. I went on slowly
in my work, being obliged to make many a stop in it.

' Having 1000 pagodas which I got at Madura, partly from the
Nabob, partly from the army, I used the interest to build the house
for the schoolmaster and some teachers of natives ; I built their
houses, except the last, which the Vestry built for the second school-
master.

' Not knowing the future circumstances which may happen in
the country the Vestry at Tanjore admonished me to have it minuted
down by whom the houses in Tanjore were built ; and so I request
the same favour of the gentlemen of the Vestry at Trichinopoly.

' Totally disclaiming all private property, I intend only by this
true enumeration to have the right of the mission and future
missionaries ascertained, that the public may lay no claim on
those houses as long as the mission continueth.

' Likewise are the ten houses in the Fort and those in Warriore
in two places built by me for the benefit of poor widows.'

' Resolution. — The Vestry having taken the Rev. Mr. Schwartz'
letter into consideration are unanimously of opinion that the house
and buildings alluded to in that address are the sole property of the
Mission at Trichinopoly, and cannot with propriety be taken from
them as long as the Mission continues at that station.' •

This resolution was signed by all ' the gentlemen of the Vestry '
in July 1787. They were General Matthew Home, Mr. Thomas
Palk, the Rev. Christian Pohle, Mr. James Whyte, and Captain
Richard Chase. The resolution and the letter make it quite clear
that the Vestry property was different and apart from the mission
property.

After this there was no meeting for more than two years. Mr.
Samuel Johnson, the Paymaster, remained Treasurer of the Vestry
Fund. But no meeting is recorded in the Minute Book. The
exodus of the bulk of the British troops from the Fort in 1785 prob-
ably had a good deal to do with this absence of meetings. When the
officers of the garrison lived at some distance outside the Fort it was
not so easy for them to attend Vestry meetings as it was before.
There were two meetings in 1790, one in 1791, and no other meeting
till August 1793.

' These could not have been the houses purchased for the school purposes
in 1771, for Schwartz ^\•as privy to their purchase. This is the record of it.
' A vestry being called by the Rev. Mr. Schwartz met this morning and pro-
ceeded to settle with Flora Johnson and Manuel for their houses, which being
built on the Church ground, the Vestry think proper to buj' for the use of the
Charity boys ; and have agreed to pay the former twenty and the latter five
pagodas for their goodwill of them.' — Vestry Meeting, March 28, 1771.

410 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

In 1794 Major-General Floyd commanded the Southern Division.
He took a Uvely interest in the affairs of the Church. In that year
tliere were four Vestry meetings ; at one of them it was resolved to
ask the Government to repair the Church, and the request was
ac?eded to. Reguhir meetings were held during his tenure of the
command until 1798. There were two meetings in 1799, and then
a gap of two years, when Major-General Bridges presided at a meeting
in March 1801. Eighteen months passed before another meeting
took place. By that time Major-General Pater had arrived. During
his command there was an annual meeting of the Vestry. His
successors, Major-Generals Gowdie, Fuller, and Wilkinson, continued
the annual meetings till 1812, when St. John's Church in the new
cantonment was opened.

When there were no Vestry meetings Pohle made notes of what
he did on his own authority in the Minute Book, and his actions came
up for sanction at the next meeting.

The principal work of the Vestry was the care of the Church and
school buildings, the administration of the Vestry School itself, and
the investment of the Vestry Fund.

Up to 1782 the fund had been lent out on interest locally. In
that year it was decided to invest it in Government Bonds. From
that time mi til 1790 there was some inconvenience felt in having
the Bond at Trichinopoly, so far away from Madras where the
interest was paid. It was therefore resolved to ask Mr. W. Duflfin
of the Company's Medical Service, at that time stationed at Madras,
to take charge of the Bond and to act as agent of the Vestry. Duffin
was formerly stationed at Trichinopoly and knew the affairs of the
Vestry.i At the end of 1791 he embarked for England, and by
request of the Vestry handed over the Bond to the Rev. C. W.
Gericke, the S.P.C.K. missionary at Madras, who kept possession
of it till his death in 1803. It was then deposited with a firm of
Madras agents. Messieurs Harington & Co. With them it remained
until 1812, when the Bond was paid off. When the money was re-
invested the interest was made payable at Madras ' to my agent,
Frederick Zscherpel, Conductor.' This action of Pohle's was approved
at the Vestry held on December 22, 1812, at which Colonel John
Dighton and Mr, John Read, the Senior Judge, were present.

Between 1771 and 1812 the fund was carefully nursed by the
Vestry, and at the latter date it amounted to a little more than 5000
pagodas. During that time it was used as at the beginning for
Vestry purposes, namely the expenses and repairs of the Church and
furniture and the upkeep of the Vestry School.

After 1812 it would appear in the absence of evidence to have
been administered by Christian Pohle alone until his death in 1818.

' He was a friend of Schwartz, and is frequently mentioned in Dean Pearson's
Life of Schwartz,

APPENDIX III 411

Being sucli a man as he was there is no reason to doubt that he used
it for the purposes for which it was raised. His death made a differ-
ence, for he was succeeded by men who did not know what those
purposes were, and who had no Vestry to remind them. They used
it for their mission purposes as well until 1826, and then contended
that the fund was a mission fund. The Rev, Joseph Wright, the
Chaplain, did well to open an inquiry about it, and the authorities
did the right thing when they transferred the administration of the
fund to the new Vestr}'- of St. John's, and the Vestry School to the
cantonment.

The following Civil Servants of the Company were Paymasters
of the Trichinopoly garrison, and Treasurers of the Vestry Fund from
1771 to 1805 :

Year.

Tear.

James Hay .

. 1771

Thomas Palk

. 1780

Samuel Johnson

. 1772

Samuel Johnson

. 1787

Alexander Davidson

. 1772

Edward Garrow

. 1790

William Wynch

. 1774

WiUiam Hawkins .

. 1793

Henry Morris

. 1779

Then succeeded Christian Pohle in 1805.

There is no doubt that this valuable old record book should be
in the charge of the Chaplain of Trichinopoly.

APPENDIX III

THE TANJORE VESTRY

The discovery of the Trichinopoly Vestry Minute Book throws some
light also upon the existence of a similar Vestry and Vestry Fund at
Tan j ore. References were made to both in the former volume, but
it was not possible to give much information about either. In the
old Trichinopoly Minute Book there are two references to the Tanjore
Vestry.

1. Before the meeting of October 25, 1786, is inserted a copy
of a portion of the ' Proceedings of the Tanjore Vestry ' dated
October 10, 1786. Thus :

' Vestry

Fort Tanjore,
October 10, 1786.

' The Rev. Mr. Schwartz represents that his school at present
consists of thirty children of European officers, privates, &c., and
children of natives who desire to learn the English language ; that of
the above number ten children of Europeans are maintained by their
parents or from the funds of their deceased parents ; the remainder
are subsisted from his own income besides the schoolmasters who
receive a' salary.

412 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

' He represents that His Excellency the Rajah had promised yearly
an aid of 500 pagodas ; but from the exigency of liis situation it had
not yet been fiilfilled. He submits whether it would be improper
to state to the Honourable Government of Madras the condition of
the school, and so pray their aid in support of it ; and he conceives
from the experience of many years that many children who are
instructed in writing might be made useful i to the Honourable
Company in their various offices at the Presidency and the out-
garrisons.

' The Vestry are of opinion that it would be by no means improper
to submit the foregoing statement to the Honourable the Governor,
and to humbly solicit his influence with Government to patronise so
laudable an Institution.

' The Commandant of the garrison, the Resident, and the Pay-
master have severally agreed to contribute 10 pagodas per month
to the Institution, and enter a minute of Vestry recommending a
similar contribution to their successors in office ; and the Rev, Mr.
Schwartz is requested to address the Hon. the Governor on the
subject.

(Signed) J. S. which stands for John Sullivan.

I. C. H. „ „ J. C. Hudleston.

C. F. S. „ „ C. F. Schwartz.

W. H.' „ „ W. Harington.

Then follows Schwartz' letter :

' Hon'ble Sir,

■ It has been my sincere wish to promote the education of the
neglected children of officers and soldiers in this country. As far
as I could I have tried to make them useful members of society.
With some I have succeeded. But as my endeavours were not
equal to my wishes, I have more than once addressed the Hon.
Government to help me, that I might be able to keep proper school-
masters, not only to teach English but Malabar and Moorish likewise ;
and I had the satisfaction of their full approbation and promise
of aid, but the frequent confusion of war engaged the first attention
of Government to the quelling of those disturbances. Peace being
now restored, I set about building a proper house in the Fort for the
purpose of the education of children. I have about 30. ... If I
were somewliat assisted '^ . . . The gentlemen of the Vestry observing
my intention have declared themselves -willing to assist my under-
taking by their intercession and purse. This their willingness to
coincide with my intention has occasioned this address which I
humbly offer to your kind consideration.'

The Tanjore Vestry Minute Book, from which the foregoing is
manifestly an extract, is not known to be in existence now.

The Madras Government recommended the Directors to sanction

' The Church in Madras, i. 518. '^ Copy imperfect.

APPENDIX IV 413

help ill 1786. The Directors did so in the following year, granting
250 pagodas per annum. The Tanjore English school was for
Eurasian and higher class native boys.

2. The Trichinopoly Vestry Minute Book contains a statement
which Schwartz made in writing to the Trichinopoly Vestry, which
is inserted in the record of the meeting of July 1787. In this written
statement there is this reference to the Tanjore Vestry : ' Not knowing
the future circumstances which may happen in the country the
Vestry at Tanjore admonished me to have it minuted down by whom
the houses in Tanjore were built ; and so I request the same favour
of the gentlemen of the Vestry at Trichinopoly.'

The existence of the Vestry, the fund, and the school is mentioned
in the former volume on the pages indicated in the index. The
above references are additional testimonies to its existence and its
work. The first reference is specially interesting on account of the
initials of the members in 1786, which are easily identified.

APPENDIX IV

THE GOVERNMENT OF BENGAL AND THE MISSIONARIES, 1807

The letter from Bengal to the Directors and the replies are of great
length. They are only epitomised here. They may be seen at the
India Office on inquiry at the Library. Some of them are printed
as an appendix in Buchanan's ' Apology,' which may be found at
the Library and also at the British Museum. In the originals
the paragraphs are numbered. The figures below refer to the
paragraphs.

The Government of Bengal wrote to the Directors on
November 2, 1807, in the Secret Department,^ detaihng what the
Serampore missionaries had recently done to stir up fanatical
strife in the Calcutta Bazaars, and what the Government had done
to prevent a repetition of such indiscretions.

The reply of the Directors was dated September 7, 1808,

Para. 2. They approved of what the Government of Bengal
had done. They enclosed a copy of a Despatch to Fort St. George
dated May 29, 1807 ; and they added : ' We still wish to aflirm as a
principle the desirableness of imparting the knowledge of Christianity
to the natives of British India ; but we must also contend that the
means to be used shall be free from any political danger or alarm.'

Para. 3. ' With our position your 39th para, corresponds :
" Our duty as guardians of the public welfare, and even a consen-
taneous solicitude for the diffusion of the blessings of Christianity

' It was their custom to write in the Secret Department about matters
which Avere more or less private and confidential ; and which did not come
under the ordinary headings of trade, politics, military or civil administration _

v/'

414 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

merely require us to restrain the efforts of that commendable zeal
within those Hmits, the transgression of which would in our decided
judgement expose to hazard the public safety and tranquilUty." '

Para. 4. We note the temperate and respectful conduct of the
missionaries . . . ; we approve of your permission to let them
remain at Serampore . • . ; the progress of the missionaries . . .
for a long series of years has not been attended with serious conse-
quences . . . ; their numbers are small, their conduct prudent and
conciUatory . . . ; we have no reason to suppose that the circulation
of the Scriptures is likely to be attended with dangerous consequences.

Para. 5. Caution is demanded from us . . . and the protection
of the natives and their religious usages . . . and a care that they
are not harassed by overzealous attempts to convert them.

Para. 6. We approve of the control you have determined to
exercise. The missionaries must know that their zeal may sometimes
require a check. The responsibility of the Government for public
tranquiUity will force it to direct its views to those political con-
siderations which the zeal of the missionaries might overlook.

Para. 7. If you could have foreseen their submissiveness, you
need not have held a public proceeding on their acts. In future we
suggest that if the interference of Government is necessary it may
be desirable to see if a private communication from the Governor-
General might Jiot effect all that is desired.

Para. 8. In objecting to pubUc preaching we do not understand
you to object to preaching in chapels or rooms, to which admission
is given to converts or other Christians.

Para. 10. ' We rely on your discretion that you will abstain
from all unnecessary or ostentatious interference with their pro-
ceedings. On the other hand it will be your bounden duty vigilantly
to guard the public tranquillity from interruption, and to impress
upon the minds of all the inhabitants of India that the British faith,
on which they rely for the free exercise of their religion, will be in-
violably maintained.'

In the ordinary way the above two letters, one reporting an
incident and the measures taken in consequence, and the other
approving what was done and suggesting a principle of action in the
future, would have closed the subject.

Unfortunately the Rev. C. Buchanan wrote a letter to the
Government of Bengal within a month of the despatch of their
letter home, i.e. in November 1807, which caused the Government
to write again to the Directors, to report this unlooked-for
development.!

Para. 1. They sent to the Directors Buchanan's letter and
memorial on the measures adopted by the Government.

' The memorial contains animadversions on our measures '—

' Letter, Dec. 7, 1807, Secret Dcpt.

APPENDIX IV 415

' personally disrespectful to the Government '— ' ascribing motives
and principles injurious to the character of the British administration
in India.'

Para. 2. ' The principal acts complained of are those of which
we acquainted you in our letter of November 2, 1807. Mr.
Buchanan has ascribed to the late and present Government the
adoption of measures to prevent the progress of Christianity in
India.' ^ Mr. Buchanan's comments on the late measures ' are
founded on the disrespectful presumption that the Governor-General
has blindly submitted to the guidance of the subordinate officers
of Government, and has adopted measures without a knowledge of
the nature of them.'

Para. 4. It suffices to notice those points on which is founded
the imputation of a design and an attempt on the part of the Govern-
ment to support the interests of the religions of this country by
preventing the diffusion of Christianity in British India.

Para. 5. They notice that Mr. Buchanan contrasts the supposed
opposition to Christianity under the present Government with the
former ^ encouragement under previous Governments.

Para. 7. They explain that the particular means adopted by the
missionaries threatened consequences prejudicial to the public
repose.

Para. 8. Considerations of public safety must guide Government
action.

Para. 12. Our action was guided by considerations of prudence
and precaution, the neglect of which would hazard the stability of
the British dominion in India.

Para. 14. The expediency and necessity of protecting our
native subjects in the enjoyment of their religious usages and
opinions have been recognised by the Court of Directors.''

Para. 15. Mr. Buchanan in ascribing to us a disposition hostile
to Christianity ' has assumed a latitude of censure equally disre-
spectful in its nature and unwarranted by facts.'

Paras. 22, 23, 26. For the preservation of public tranquiUity
it is necessary to exercise control over the pubUcation of printed
matter, and over pubHc religious discussions.

^ This assertion of Buchanan's is the origin of the well-known and not yet
worn-out charges against the Bengal Government. The charges have s^^ ollen
and grown in course of time. They were not true in their original form ; they
are far from true in the form in which one comes across them in the speeches,
sermons, and books of some missionaries.

2 The charge of the present time has grown to this, that the East India
Company and its officials were always hostile to mission work. See E. Stock's
History of the C.M.S. But even Buchanan admits that there had been a
former encouragement.

'•'• Despatch to Fort St. George, May 29, 1807, regarding the Vellore Mutiny.

416 THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Para. 33. No innovation has taken place, no new form of
imprimatur ; but the old restrictions have been extended to theological
tracts, as they seemed to expose the public peace to hazard.

Para. 35. Our solicitude for the pubhc safety is combined with
a regard for the successful propagation of the truths of Christianity
in a manner " unconnected with the language of irritation, with
revilings of the religions of the country, and with prophetic denun-
ciations of their immediate subversion.'

Para. 3G. It has never been in the contemplation either of the
present or the preceding administration ' to control or impede the
pious labours of the Missionaries, wliile conducted in the manner
which prudence dictates, and which the orders of the Hon. Court have
distinctly prescribed. IBut when the mistaken zeal of the mission-
aries exceeded those limits which considerations of public safety
. . . have wisely imposed,— when publications and public preachings
calculated not to conciliate and convince, but to irritate the minds
of the people, were brought to the notice of the Government, the
interposition of the ruling power became necessary.

(Signed) Minto.

G. Hewitt.
G. H. Barlow.
J. Lumsden.

This letter, explaining the pohcy of the Government of Bengal,
which all fair-minded men will admit to be right and judicious,
arrived in London just as the Directors had finished their Despatch
of September 7, 1808. To this Despatch they added a postscript.

Para. 12. Since writing the above we have received your letter
of December 7, 1807, with copies of the letter and the memorial of
the Rev. C. Buchanan to the Governor- General.

Para. 13. We entirely approve your proceedings.

Para. 14. They notice the improper style of Dr. Buchanan's
address, and remark that they who preach Christianity in India
should adopt the conduct of Schwartz as their model.

It only remains to add that this unfortunate contention had
nothing to do with Madras or Bombay. It was purely a Bengal
matter. The Serampore missionaries acknowledged their mistake,
and submitted to the ruhng of Government regarding their pubHca-
tions and their bazaar preaching. The matter would have rested
there if Dr. Claudius Buchanan had not brought accusations against
the Bengal Government, which rendered it necessary for them to
assert their proper authority.

It is much to the credit of Buchanan that he published the letters
of the Bengal Government refuting his own charges in his ' Apology/
&c. Li spite of this, writers on mission work in India have for more
than one hundred years repeated the charges without noticing the
refutations.

INDEX

Abbott, W. H., 139
Abraham, Mrs., 83
Adye, Col., 288
Agricultural settlements, 242
Aislabie, Rev. W. J., 378
Alexander, R., M.C.S., 203
AUen, Rev. H., 164, 374
Allowances to Chaplains, 144
Altar plate, 57, 334
Amusements, 113
Anderson, Dr. J., 94

R., 135
Andrews, J., M.C.S., 129
Archbishop of Canterbury, 3, 16, 338
Archdeacon of Madras : —

Made Joint Chaplain of Cathedral,
93

Head of Ecclesiastical Department,
276
Archidiaconal functions, 132, 145
Architecture of Churches, 343
Arcot : —

History, 123

Early Chaplains, 125

St. Mary's, 127

Consecration, 127

Furniture, 128

Memorials, 129
Arbuthnot, G., 135
Aston, Col. H. H., 129
Atwood, Rev. J. E., 101, 125, 249,

281, 282, 283
Aurangabad : —

History, 286

First Church, 287

Second Church, 287

Consecrated, 288

Transferred to C.M.S., 288

Babingtov, C. D., 84
Bacon, Mr., M.P., 43
Bailey, Rev. B., 211, 391

Baker, Rev. H., 211, 392

BaU. Rev. C, 101, 125, 138, 249, 282,

283
BaUard, G. A., M.C.S., 265
Banbury, G., M.C.S., 92
Bangalore, St. Mark's : —

History, 68

Consecration, 70

Enlargement, 73, 74

Furniture, 75

Allotment of seats, 75
Bankes, Rev. H. C, 138, 214, 362
Baptism by laymen, 302
Baptist Mission, 5, 6, 12, 15, 38, 41

Demands, 19
Barenbruck, Rev. G. T., 392
Barlow, Sir G., 340
Barrack improvements, 307, 312
Barrow, Rev. Dr., 9, 12, 17, 23
Bateman, Rev. J., 147
Bathurst, Rev. C, 177, 183, 357
Bebb, Mr. J., 24
Beddy, Rev. J. F., 392
Bell, Major-General, 282
Bellary : —

History, 78

Church and school, 79

Enlargement of Church, 80

Consecration, 81

Dr. Powell's Chapel, 81

Garrison Church, 82

Furniture and memorials, 83--4
BeUs, 57, 157, 334
Bengal ill-feehng, 35, note
Bentinck, Lord William C, 101, 300
Bequests to the Mission, 219
Bibles, supply of, 307
Billing, Rev. G., 246
Bishop of London, 3, 385
Blacker, Captain, 177
Blackman, Rev. C, 147, 148, 172,

394
Blake, Rev. W. H., 246
Blakiston, Lieut. J., 69
Blenkinsop, Rev. W. T., 148, 152, 153,
283, 376

418

THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Bliss, Sir H., M.C.S., 325
BoMness, Col., 181
Boys, Rev. J., 121, 214, 374
Brackenbury, Rev. J., 117, 138,

361
Brain. J., 200

Brandon, Rev. Dr. R. J., 123
Brandt, F., M.C.S.. 180
Bieeks, J. W., M.C.S., 325
Brennen, E., 204. 266
Briggs, Rev. F. W., 121
British reputation. 97
Brittain, Rev. A. H. B., 123
Broadfoot. Major G., 94
Bro\\'n, Rev. D., 5, 8, 9
Bro\\Ti. F. C, M.C.S., 265
Buchanan, Rev. C, 5, 6, 9, 10, 11,

12. 14. 16, 17, 18, 30, 35, 40, 50,

204. 298
Buckinghamshire, Earl of, 19, 47
Burton, Captain, 181

C.M.S., 17, 18, 209

C.M.S. Chapel. Black Town, 256-61

Cadell, G., M.C.S., 146

Caemmerer, Rev. A. F., 225, 230,

238
CaldweU, Bishop, 94, 246

Col. J. L., 87, 88
Calthrop, Rev. C. 148, 149, 397
Campbell, Lady, 107
Cannanore : —

History, 184

The Church, 185

Proposed rebuilding, 187

Enlargement, 188

Cost, 188

The R.C. Church, 189
Canning, Lady, 328
Carey, WiUiam, 199
Carnatic scandal, 99
Carnworth, Earl of, 166
Carter, Rev. W. D.. 377
Caste, 149, 234, 345
Castlereagh, Lord, 19, 35, 39
Cemetery walls, 336
Central Provinces, 331
Chadwick, Mr., 128
Chaplains : —

Character, 99

For troops. 291

Rules for, 136, 139, 300

Biographies, 385

The CUve Fund, 344
Character of Europeans, 13

Charnock, Job, 96
Charter of 1698.. 1,2

Proposed alterations, 1793. .3

Contentions, 24
Chatfield. Rev. R., 16, 31
Chester, Rev. W., 380
Chiistians in India, 298
Church, Rev. C, 366
Church building policy, 51, 54, 56
Church furniture, 57

Building rules, 59

Trust ownership, 59

Trustees, 61

Designs, 343

Wardens, 154
Churches built 1805-35. .57
City of London Resolutions, 21
Civil Christian marriages, 109
Clapham Set, 35
Clarke, Rev. A. T., 70, 206

Richard, M.C.S., 89, 135, 226

Col. Sydenham, 94

Col. Tred^ay, 94
Clauses as passed 1813. .48
Clive Fund, 344

Cochin, Church and school, 161-2
Cockburn, M., M.C.S., 212
Codrington, Major, 328
Coffin, Captain, 165
Cole, Major Temple, 83

Hon. A. H., M.C.S., 212
Commissions to consecrate, 54, 339
Committee of Inquiry, 27
Commons', House of. Inquiry, 34
Company's attempt to provide ynvea,

111
Confirmation addresses, 137, 147

Candidates, 138, 141, 144, 147, 148
Consecrations, 63, 65, 140, 141, 147,

149, 339-42
Consistorial Court, 267, 269
Coombes, Rev. D. V., 148, 397
Cooper, W., 28, 32, 33

Sir G., 94
Cornish, Surgeon-General, 92
Cornwallis, Lord, 106
Corrie, Bishop, 94, 118, 174, 353, 355
Cotgrave, Major, 182
Cotterill, Bishop, 382
Cotton, Sir A., 177

J., M.C.S., 211

Captain J. S., 129
Court of Proprietors, 36, 41
Cox, A. F., M.C.S., 128
Cran, G., 5, 200
Cubitt. Rev. G. J.. 148, 379
Cuddalore. 159, 242
CunlifEe, Brooke, 165

INDEX

419

Dacre, J., M.C.S.. 212
DaUas, Major A. R., 84
Dalrymple. Col., 94
Danish Episcopal Orders, 275

Mission, 4, 5
Darrah, Rev. F. J., 147, 375
Davis, Rev. M., 89, 93, 138, IGO
Dawson, Rev. T.. 391
Dealtry, Bishop, 94, 118, 251
Deane, Rev. B. O'M., 83

Rev. C. H., 265

Rev. H., 195, 382
De Havilland, Major, 226, 230, 253
De Meuron Regiment. 70
Dent, Rev. E., 147, 172. 394
Denton, Rev. R. A., 147, 148, 172,

244, 372
Des Granges, A., 5, 200
Devasagaivam, Rev. J., 147
Dick, Sir R., 94
Dickson, Major J., 69
Disabilities of Native Christians, 345,

348
Discipline, 267, 269, 275, 277
Distance of Churches from barracks,

187
District Councils, 246
Domestic drawbacks, 109
Doran, Rev. J. W., 143, 152, 393
Douglas, Lieutenant, 333
Dring, J. A., 286
Drury, Col. A., 94
Dundas, Mr., M.P., 4
Dunlop, A. J.. 121

Dunsterville, Rev. J., 70, 138, 189.
359

Ecclesiastical Court, 133, 267

Returns, 155

Codes, 168
Education, 71, 75, 76, 312. 313
Educational Chaplains, 317

Missionaries, 317
Elder, Sir G., 94
Elers, Captain G., 196
English, Rev. J., 183
Errors in Vol. I, 400
Eurasians and Schools, 111
Evans, Rev. G. H., 93, 119

Fabricius, Rev. J. P., 220
Falke, Rev. E. A. G., 390
Fees for monuments, 167

Fenn, Rev. J., 211, 392

Fenning, Col., 84

Floyer, Sir A., 121

Fonts, 57

Forbes, Mr., 41, 46

Fort St. George, St. Mary's, 154

Foulkes, Rev. T., 92, 192

Fraser. Col. C, 177

French Rocks Chapel, 328

Garrett, Dr., 91

Garrow, G., M.C.S., 89

Garstin, J. H., M.C.S., 265

Gell, Bishop, 94, 246, 330

Gericke, Rev. C. W.. 5, 32, 107, 2 ID,

249
Gibson, Rev. C. D., 93
Gilbert Cooper, Rev. W. W., 330
Godfrey, Rev. S. A., 330
Good influence of English women, 114
Gordon, J., 200
Gorton, Ven. J., 74, 119
Government good-will to missions,

214, 296
Graeme, H. S.. M.C.S., 146

Rev. C. K., 376
Graham, T., M.P., 28
Grant, Sir Charles, 8, 17, 19, 43

Charles, junior, 351, 353

Robert, 43
Green, Lieutenant. 293
Gwatkin, J., M.C.S., 146, 226

Hadow, G., M.C.S., 146

HaU, Rev. R., 25

Hallewell, Rev. J., 152, 154, 159,

283, 374
Hamilton, Alexander, 96, 97
Hamilton-Hall, General, 195
Hands, J., 200
Hanvngton, C, M.C.S., 265
Harington, W., M.C.S., 135
Harkness, Captain H., 351
Harper, Ven. H., 84, 89, 93, 117, 118,

147, 149, 166, 170, 172. 363
Hastings, Warren, 28, 29, 30, 31
Haubroe, Rev. L. P., 143, 160, 273,

278, 389
Haughton, Rev. G. D., 396
Havelock, Sir Arthur, 284

Mrs. C. E., 325
Heavyside, Rev. J., 147, 396

2e2

420

THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Heber. Bishop. 143. 144. 151, 191,

195. 245. 269. 271, 347
Higsinson. C. H., M.C.S., 94
Hill D.. M.C.S.. 88
Hodiison. Rev. C, 339

J.,"M.C.S.. 226
Holtzbers. Rev. I. C... 70. 200. 203
Hoole, Elijah. 211, 213
Horsford. Rev. J. P.. 147
Horslev, Ralph. M.C.S.. 84
Horst.'Rev. C. H.. 110, 200. 203
Houah. Rev. J.. 4, 95, 102, 103. 205.

250. 263. 350. 304
Howard, Rev. G. B., 294
Howarth, Mr., 43
Hudleston, A. F., M.C.S., 135
Hughes Hallett, Col. W., 324
Hume. Joseph. 36. 41
Hutchison. Rev. J.. 138, 291, 294, 3G1
Huxtable, Bishop, 246
Hyde, Ven. H. B., 101

Increase of Chaplains, 305
Bishops. 349, 351

Indo-Britons, 111

Influence of missionaries, 106

Inspection tours : —

Archdeacon Mousley, 141
Archdeacon Vaughan, 144
Archdeacon Robinson, 154, 158

Irion, Rev. J. L., 148, 149, 398

Irvine, G. Duncan, M.C.S., 195

Jackson, Rev. E. M. J., 365

RancUe, 36
Jacobi, Rev. C. A., 200, 208, 388
Jaenicke. Rev. J. D., 5
James, Bishop, 146, 152, 153, 272

Rev. H. P., 337
Jeaffreson, Rev. C, 294, 371
.John, Rev. Dr. C. S., 5, 210, 313
John Pcreiras Chapel, 295-6
Jones, Rev. E. J., 148, 172, 398

Rev. S., 361
Jubbulpore Church, 336

Kamptee Church, 332-5
Kaye, W. H., 95, 102
Keating, Rev. W. A., 138, 358
Keble, G. C, M.C.S., 299

Keene, Whitshed. 46
Kennedy, Major A. J. Clark, 76
Kerr, Rev. J., 357
Rev. R. H., 85, 101, 103. 203, 204,
249, 299
Kiernander, Rev. J. Z., 32, 220
Kindlinger, Rev. J., 393
Kinlock, Rev. A., 335
Kirk, Madras, 252^
Knapp, Rev. S. H., 377
Kneale, F. E., 92
Knill. R., 210
Kohlhoff, Rev. C. S., 191

Rev. J. C, 5. 152. 160, 202, 208,
225, 230, 231. 237, 239, 273,
275, 277, 278, 346

Lauderdale, Lord, 47
Laughton, Col., 83
Lay baptism, 303-5

Marriage, 109-10, 303-7
Trustees, 165-6
Leave Rules for Chaplains, 5
Lechler, Rev. J. M., 395
Lee, W.. 205
Leeming, Rev. W., 286
Lee Warner, Sir W., 74
Leggatt. Lieutenant, 165
Leslie, Major, 214

Ven. R., 249
Letters Patent. 1814. . 131
1835.. 354
Testimonial, 167
Levinge, Sir Vere. Bart., M.C.S., 94
Lewell, F., M.C.S., 265
Lewis, Rev. E. P., 183, 375
Francis, 327
Rev. T., 125, 152, 364
Liardet, Col., 325
Libraries, 308

Library at Trichinopoly, 191
Licences to C.M.S. Clergy, 271, 277
To reside in India, 22, 25
To officiate, 1816.. 138
To officiate, 1819.. 140
To officiate, 1824.. 143
Liverpool, Lord, 19
Logan, D., 195

W., M.C.S., 265
London Mission, 5, 15, 199
City of. Resolutions, 21
Lords', House of. Inquiry, 34
Loundes, Thomas, 37, 42
Loveless, W. C, 200, 205
Lowrv, Col., 294
Lushington, C. M., M.C.S., 195

INDEX

421

Lushington, Mr., M.P., 43

Stephen R., 321
Lutheran Ordination, 275
Lutyens, Rev. W., 70
Lynch, Mr., 211

Macatjlay, Col. C, 106, 202

Lord, 320
McDoneU, JE. R., M.C.S., 195
MacDowall, General Hay. 53, 78, 104,
105, 106, 177, 179, 190

Sir Andrew, 94
McEvoy, Rev. J., 335, 381
McHutchin, Col., 331
Macintire, Col., 331
Mclvor, Mrs., 325
MacKay, Major D., 285
Mackenzie, G. T., M.C.S., 180
Mackintosh, Sir James, 304, 307
Macleane, T., M.C.S., 135
McMaster, General A. C, 121
Madras : —

St. George's, 84-94

Churches, 1828.. 154
Mahon, Rev. G. W., 148, 381
Malcolm, Sir J., 28, 106, 326
Malkin, Rev. W., 70, 212, 366
Malleson, Col., 331
Margoschis, Rev. Canon, 246
Marriage ^^'ith natives, 109

Licences, 156

By laymen, 302-7
Marsh, Charles, 44, 45

Rev. J., 147, 394
Marshman, J. C, 4, 95
MasuUpatam, 175-84, 338
Mead, C, 210
Mercara Church, 62
Mhow Church, 332
Middleton, Bishop, 133, 137, 161, 226,
227, 267, 268, 276, 308, 342, 347
Military Fund, 344

Guards for Churches, 80

Officers and Chaplains, 267, 270
Minto, Earl of, 6
Mission : —

Bangalore, 70

Bellary, 82

Reports, 197

House, Tanjore, 237
Missionaries : —

Cited to Visitations, 143

To act as Chaplains, 171

Welcomed in Madras, 201-7

1805-1835.. 398

And the Bengal Government, 5, 413

Missionary compact, 213

Pay, 222, 232
Monopoly, 96
Monteith, Lt.-Col. W., 89
Montgomery, Sir H., 39, 40
Monuments, 167
Moore, Captain, 323
Moorsom, Rev. W., 152, 183, 372
Morals, 95
Morant, Rev. J., 83
Morewood, Rev. J. B., 276, 323, 393
Morris, Rev. G. E., 195

J. C, M.C.S., 89
Mousley, Ven. J., 79, 125, 134, 137,

141, 142, 268, 359
Mowatt, J., 211
Muller, Rev. J. J., 394
Munro, Col. J., 210

Sir Thomas, 106
Murphy, Rev. Dr., 76
Mysore Church, 326-30

Nagpore, 336, 337
Native of India, 318
NewaU, Col., 292
Noble, Lt.-Col. J., 94, 284

Rev. Robert, 177
Norman, Rev. C, 362
Norton, Rev. T., 211, 391

Officialism, 278

Ogilvie, J. H. D., M.C.S., 88, 89

Ootacamund Church, 320-5

Ordinations, 147, 148

Organ : —

Bangalore, 72

BeUary, 83

Secunderabad, 121

Trichinopoly, 192
Organs, 58
Orme, Robert, 139
Ormsby, Captain, 226, 234
Orphanage : —

Bangalore, 76

BeUary, 79

Secunderabad, 122

Trichinopoly, 193
Otter, Rev. E. R., 83, 84
Out-station allowances, 168
Owen, Rev. R., 249, 281

Rev. J., 12, 13
Ownership of Churches, 60-65

2 e3

422

THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

PAEZ0IJ5. Rev. C. W., 200, 224. 225,

Pallaveram Church, 283-6
Palm. J. D.. 200

Parochial boundaries, Madras, 1816. .
139

Duties and fees. 139
Parr. Rev. J. 0.. 371
Pater, General J.. 180, 182
Peet, Rev. J., 394
Peppin, Surgeon A. B., 191
Percival. S.. 17. 19
Petitions to Parliament. 23
Pettigrew. Rev. S. T., 70, 74. 76. 293,

294. 335
Pohle, Rev. C. 5
Pondicherry, 160
Poonamallee Church, 155, 247-51
Pope, Rev. Dr. G. U., 246, 317

Rev. J. P., 183

Rev. H., 83
Posnett. Rev. R.. 76
PoweU, Rev. Dr. W. P., 81, 82, 83, 284
Prendergast, Mr., 41

His memorable statement, 46
Presbyterian Chaplains. 252
Presidency Chaplain, title abolished,

93
Price, Lady, 325
Pritchett, E., 200
Property problem, 237
Protestant Society's Resolutions, 22
Punkahs, 58, 83, 91, 119. 194

Quarterly Review on Missions, 20
Quilon Church and school, 161, 290-4

R.C. Mission, 5

Building grants, 59
RajTnond, General, 121
Reduction of expenditure, 171
Registrar's salary, 137

Fees, 156, 164
Researches : —

Buchanan, 298

Kerr, 299
Residence, power to determine, 133
Resolutions of 1813. .36
Rhenius, Rev. C. T. E., 210, 390
Richards. A. F.. M.C.S., 195

Rev. J., 284

Richardson, Major, 284

Ridsdale, Rev. J., 143, 153, 295, 392

Rev. S.. 161, 277. 393
Ringeltaube, Rev. W. T., 199, 210, 387
Ritual irregularity, 278
Robberies from Churches, 172
Robinson. Yen. T., 144. 146. 151-74,

269, 271, 273-5, 277, 289, 368
Reports and returns, 242
Rosen, Rev. D., 275. 278, 389
Rottler. Rev. Dr., 143, 147, 149, 153,
172, 200, 202-^, 210. 225-8. 230,
238-9. 243, 273. 275, 277, 388
Roy, Rev. W.. 93. 138, 145, 147, 152,

154, 181, 183, 276, 283, 362
Rules for Chaplains : —

Coded 1806.. 300

Coded 1816.. 136

Coded 1832.. 169

Lay Trustees, 166
Rum'bold. Lady H., 325
Rundall. C, 195
RusseU, G. E., M.C.S., 181

S.P.C.K., 4. 5. 9. 12, 13. 15, 23, 32,

217-36, 239, 281
S.P.G., 240-6. 284
St. Leger, W.D., 91
St. Thomas' Mount Church, 155,

279-84
Sampson. Rev. C. H., 361
Sankey, Lieut. R. H., 336
Sargent. Bishop, 246
Saugor Church. 336
Sawyer, Rev. W.. 143, 147, 153, 250,

289, 322, 377
Sayers, Rev. Dr. J. J. B., 122
Scandal : —

Tanjore. 98

Carnatic. 99
Schaffter, Rev. P. P.. 393
Schmidt, Rev. B. E., 392
Schnarre, Rev. J. C, 210, 390
Schools : —

Bangalore, 71, 75

Bellary, 79

Government, 316

Madras, 111

Secunderabad, 122

Sullivan, 316

Tellicherry, 264

Trichinopoly, 193
Schreyvogel, Rev. D., 242, 275, 278,

396
Schwartz, Rev. C. F., 5, 14, 29. 32,
107, 110

INDEX

423

Scott, Lt.-Col. Sir W., 71

Seal of the See, 355

Secunderabad Church, 115-22

Seetabuldee ; see Nagpore

Separation of families, 122

Serampore, 5. 29

Shaking the pagoda tree, 97

Sharrock, Rev. J. A., 193, 246, 405

ShaAv, Hector, 84

Shore, Sir John, 5, 8

Shortland, Ven. V., 72, 75, 84, 119,
172, 187, 195, 251, 294, 334, 380

Sick leave, 164

Sim, Col. D., 73

Simpson, Rev. T. C, 148, 397

SmaUey, Col. H., 83, 84, 286

Smith, WiUiam, 43

Smyth, Rev. R., 125, 127, 129, 138,

195, 212, 359
Spencer, Bishop, 81, 118, 293
Sperschneider, Rev. J. G. P., 237,

389
Spring, Rev. F., 89, 147, 148, 155, 159,

172, 262, 289, 294, 369
Stanhope, Earl, 47
Station amusements, 113
Status of Chaplains, 270
Stewart, Rev. P., 125, 129, 371
Stone, Rev. M. N., 183
Strachan, Bishop, 246
Street, Rev. J. C, 379
Strictures on Chaplains, 99
Stuart, Rev. H. W., 172, 323, 378
SuUivan, A. W., M.C.S., 265
G. R., M.C.S., 135
John, M.C.S., 29, 350
John, junr., M.C.S., 321
Sutton, Sir T., 41, 44
Sydenham, Major-Gen. W., 285
Syrian Christians, 12

Tanjoee, 1828 . . 160

Mission house, 237

Scandal, 98

Vestry, 411
Tarrant, Mrs., 286
Taylor, Rev. A., 335

Rev. H., 183, 251

John, 200

Joseph. 207

W., 205, 211, 219
Teignmouth, Lord, 9, 12, 14, 15, 17,
21, 28, 30, 31, 32, 33, 40, 99, 100,
101
Tellicherry Church, 261-6

Thirlwall, Rev. Mr., 37
Thomas, Rev. W., 70, 79, 82, 94, 125,
139, 356
John, 198
Thompson, Rev. A. C, 148, 397
John, 200, 207

Rev. M., 88, 93, 102, 138, 139, 206,
210, 356
Tierney, Mr., M.P., 47
Toleration, 19, 209, 343
Toller, Sir S., 94
Tomes, Rev. W., 121, 382
Topping, Michael, 177
Torriano, W. H., M.C.S., 205
Traill, Rev. J., 139, 364
Tranquebar Mission for sale, 238

Partly transferred, 238
Transfer (S.P.C.K. to S.P.G.), 239
Trapaud, Lieut. C. E., 84
Travelling Archdeacons, 142, 144
Trend, Rev. J. B., 77
Trevor, Rev. G., 70, 72, 75, 77, 383
Trichinopoly, 1828.. 161, 162
Church, 190-5
Library, 308
Vestry, 405
Tripassore, 1828.. 159

Chapel, 288-90
Trotman, Rev. W. S., 337
Trotter, Col. C, 101, 202
Tucker, Rev. J., 148, 260, 395
Turner, Bishop, 147, 284, 322, 349
Twining, Thomas, 10, 11, 13, 14, 15,
35

Unchristian speeches, 198
Underwood, Captain, 323

Vatjghan, Ven. E., 79, 88, 93, 94,
101, 127, 134, 138, 139, 142, 144,
145, 146, 177, 183, 269, 338
Vepery new Church, 155
Vestry question referred, 303
Villiers, Mr., 42

Visitation expenses, 142, 144, 163
Visitations : —

181G, Middleton, 137

1819, Middleton, 140

1826, Heber, 143

1830, Turner, 147

1834, Wilson, 147

1828, Archdeacon Robinson, 152

424

THE CHURCH IN MADRAS

Wace. Rev. Walter, 92, 94

Waltair Church. 61

Waring, Major J. Scott, 10, 11, 14, 15,

35
Wallow, Van. G., 92, 94
Webbe, J., M.C.S., 181
WeUeslev. Marquis of, 5, 37
Welsh, Col., 287, 292
Wetherherd, Rev. T., 79, 83, 138, 152,

361
White, Rev. R, 370
Whitehead, Rev. T., 323
Whiteside, W. S., M.C.S., 92, 128, 129,

195
Whitford, Rev. R. W., 122, 294
Wilberforce, W., 3, 4, 7, 8, 9, 10, 17,

21, 38, 40, 45, 46, 50, 100
Williams, Arthur, 195
Rev. A. A., 83

Williams, Sir E. K., 193

Rev. J. M., 377

Rev. W. R. M., 161, 370
Willock, W. A., M.C.S., 195
Wilson, Bishop, 147, 336, 347

Lieut. F., 286

Rev. I., 392
Winckler, Rev. J. C, 393
Wissing, Rev. P. M. D., 153, 272, 396
Wives, provision of. 111
Woodcock, Rev. W. J., 395
AVrangham, Rev. F., 9
AVright, Rev. J., 71, 73, 160, 183,

195, 370
Wj'nch, Rev. J. W., 130, 330

Yeldham, R., 88, 94
Young, Sir W. Mackworth, 74

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